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6 Ways to Read Expert Books Without Getting Fooled by Bias

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On December 2, 2025

In How To, Blogging, Study Tips

You pick up a thick, authoritative book by a celebrated expert. The weight of it, the pages of footnotes, the confident tone makes you feel like you’re about to receive pure, unvarnished truth. These thinkers help you understand complex topics like economics, history, and human behaviour.

But even the most brilliant book is not a neutral verdict. It is an argument dressed in footnotes. Every expert writes from a perspective shaped by their training, worldview, and incentives. These inherent biases, often unconscious, dictate how they select evidence, frame problems, and present conclusions. Recognizing this doesn’t mean we should dismiss experts; it means we must learn to read them with critical awareness. This article provides a practical toolkit to help you read smarter, not just more, and to extract the signal from the noise.

1. Do Your Reconnaissance: Vet the Author, Not Just the Book

Before you even read the first page, the most crucial step is to understand the lens through which the author sees the world. This isn’t about discrediting them, but about identifying their starting position so you can anticipate their blind spots.

A simple, powerful tactic is to search online for “[author name] funding / controversy / think tank.” This can reveal potential ideological or financial incentives. More importantly, identify their core framework, or what academics call Paradigm or Theoretical Bias. Is their primary lens psychoanalytic, like Gabor Maté, who interprets many conditions through the lens of trauma? Is it institutional, like Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, who argues that political institutions are the primary driver of prosperity? Or is it geographical, like Jared Diamond, who emphasizes environmental factors? Knowing their intellectual home base helps you see what their argument naturally highlights—and what it inevitably leaves in the shadows.

2. Read Adversarially: Treat It Like a Debate

The most powerful antidote to bias is to actively seek out opposing viewpoints. Instead of passively absorbing one author’s argument, treat the book as one side of a debate and immediately seek out the other.

Start by searching for “criticisms of [book title]” to get a quick overview of the main counterarguments. Then, practice counter-reading: read Thomas Piketty’s work on inequality alongside economists who challenge his conclusions; read Daron Acemoglu’s institutional arguments alongside geographers who argue for the importance of environment.

Over the long term, build an “adversarial library” by collecting books on the same topic that fundamentally “hate each other.” The goal isn’t to find the single “correct” side. It’s to build what scholars call “epistemic diversity”, a robust and complete understanding of the full spectrum of an argument. This practice protects you from one-sided explanations like “Institutional mono-causality” and gives you a more resilient map of the topic.

3. Spot the Story: Guard Against the Narrative Fallacy

Humans are wired for stories. Experts—and their publishers—know this. The Availability and Narrative Bias describes our tendency to be swayed by memorable anecdotes and clean, linear stories, which can distort our sense of scale and causality. Reality is messy, complex, and multi-causal. If an expert’s argument feels too clean, linear, or dramatic, it might be a fable designed for persuasion, not a balanced analysis.

Take Yuval Noah Harari‘s sweeping narratives of human history in Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind or Howard Zinn‘s A People’s History of the United States, which frames history as a compelling morality play. While powerful, these storytelling approaches can simplify complex realities. This is because stories hijack our cognitive systems, making complex, multi-causal realities feel as simple and emotionally resonant as a fable. To protect yourself, learn to distinguish between verifiable claims and illustrative anecdotes.

Highlight claims, not anecdotes, for anecdotes are emotional junk food.

4. Unpack the Argument: Separate Facts from Interpretation

An expert’s book is a blend of data, analysis, and prediction. Your job as a critical reader is to carefully pull these threads apart. As you read, constantly ask yourself three questions:

  • What is established evidence? This is the raw data or undisputed fact (e.g., Piketty’s historical data on wealth concentration).
  • What is the author’s interpretation? This is the argument the author builds from the evidence (e.g., Acemoglu’s interpretation that institutions are the primary determinant of prosperity, often downplaying factors like geography or culture).
  • What is speculative extrapolation? This is when the author projects their interpretation into the future (e.g., Ray Kurzweil‘s technological projections or Piketty‘s forecast that the r > g inequality dynamic will continue).

Separating these components is the key to extracting the value from an expert’s research without unconsciously absorbing their hidden assumptions and speculative leaps.

5. Keep a “Missing Things” List: Find the Dog That Didn’t Bark

One of the most effective techniques for identifying bias is to keep a running list of what the author doesn’t talk about. This actively counters Selection/sampling bias and Missing-counterexamples bias, where an argument is built on a carefully curated set of supporting examples.

As you read, note the things that are conspicuously absent: countries that don’t fit the model, historical eras that contradict the trend, failed cases that are ignored, or rival theories that go unmentioned. This list helps you spot the crucial counter-evidence that is strengthen the author’s case. For example, critics note that Jared Diamond‘s Guns, Germs, and Steel edits out societies that had the same geographical advantages but failed, or that Jim Collins’s business classic Good to Great was based on a hand-picked selection of companies, some of which later went bankrupt. Your “Missing Things” list reveals the shape of the argument’s container by showing you exactly what it had to exclude to remain coherent.

6. Look Inward: Monitor Your Own Biases

The final, and perhaps most difficult, step is to turn the critical lens on yourself. We are all susceptible to Confirmation Bias, the tendency to more easily and uncritically absorb ideas that align with our existing worldview. We seek out and agree with experts who confirm what we already believe to be true.

Awareness of this tendency is a start, but it’s not enough. For a true test of your convictions, you need consequences. The ultimate bias detector is putting something on the line. After reading an expert who has convinced you of a certain future trend or a causal claim, ask yourself: would I bet real money on it? The practice of occasionally betting on the claims you believe, what some call having “skin in the game”, forces a degree of intellectual honesty that passive agreement never can. It moves you from “I think this is true” to “I am willing to be proven wrong.”

Conclusion: Read with Clarity, Not Certainty

Recognizing bias doesn’t diminish the value of expert books. In fact, it enhances it. It transforms you from a passive recipient of information into a thoughtful interpreter of ideas. By vetting the author, reading adversarially, spotting narrative, unpacking arguments, looking for what’s missing, and monitoring your own mind, you can learn from the world’s sharpest thinkers without becoming captive to any single viewpoint.

The goal is not to find an author who is perfectly objective. No such author exists. The goal is to build a mental model that is robust, nuanced, and flexible. To do that, always remember the most important rule of reading expert work:

  • Treat every expert book as a brilliant lawyer’s brief for one side—not as a neutral judge’s verdict.
  • Read widely, trust sparingly, verify ruthlessly. Your intellectual independence depends on it.
An image with the text "Have you ever actually bought an ebook?"

5 Surprising Truths About Your Ebooks and the Hidden Crisis in Our Libraries

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On December 1, 2025

In Blogging

Note: This article is based on the TEDx Talk by Jeffrey Edmunds, Digital Access Coordinator at the Penn State University Libraries. Look for the embedded video at the end of the post.

Have you ever “purchased” an ebook? Most of us have, building digital libraries with the click of a button. But would it surprise you to learn that it’s impossible to actually buy an ebook? When you click “buy,” you aren’t acquiring a piece of property. You are merely paying for a license to access the text.

While this seems like a minor distinction for an individual reader, this shift from ownership to access has created a profound and expensive crisis for the libraries and universities that provide knowledge to us all. The digital convenience we enjoy hides a broken system that impacts how we fund, create, and share information.

1. You Don’t Buy Ebooks, You Merely License Them

The fundamental difference between a physical book and an ebook lies in ownership. When you buy a print book, U.S. copyright law, and copyright laws in other countries as well, affirms that it becomes your personal property. You can lend it, resell it, or keep it forever. The publisher has no further claim on it.

However, when you pay for an ebook, you are only purchasing a license, a set of permissions to read the text under the publisher’s terms. As the internet grew, publishers realized that if consumers could buy and resell digital files as easily as physical books, their profit margins would evaporate. They made an astute decision: they chose not to sell ebooks at all. This shift from true ownership to temporary access is the root of a systemic problem, converting books from personal property into a controlled service.

2. Your Library’s Collection Is Disappearing Every Day

To illustrate the tangible, daily loss that results from the ebook licensing model, Jeffrey Edmunds asks us to imagine a bizarre scenario: a van pulls up to your local library. Several people enter, consult a list, and proceed to pull thousands of books from the shelves, load them into the van, and drive away. This scenario, which sounds like theft, illustrates the tangible reality of the licensing model.

Because libraries only license their digital collections, they do not truly own them. As a result, they are “compelled to remove thousands, tens of thousands, and some months even hundreds of thousands of eBooks” from their catalogs when licensing agreements change or expire. The digital shelves are emptying every single day.

“…that is bizarre as far as that scenario sounds it plays out in essence every single day not only here at Penn State but at libraries all over the country as the result of the shift in our collections from books to ebooks.”

3. We Pay for Knowledge Twice: Once to Create It, and Again to Access It

The economics of scholarly publishing are, in a word, absurdist. Consider how new knowledge is created. Public and university funds, through our tuition, taxpayer dollars, and grants, pay the salaries of scholars. Scholars do research, they write manuscripts, those manuscripts are passed to peers who then make comments, and the comments are passed back to the authors who then revise their manuscripts to improve them. All of this intellectual labor is done at universities.

This finished product, a culmination of publicly funded work, is then handed over to one of five major publishers (according to the PublishingState.com): the RELX Group (Elsevier), Springer Nature, Wiley (John Wiley & Sons), Taylor & Francis, and SAGE Publishing. These publishers then license that very same knowledge back to the public and the universities that created it “at enormous cost.” To put this in perspective, the Penn State libraries spent over $13 million on ebooks and other electronic resources in a single year. This means the public’s investment, through tuition and taxes, is used first to create the knowledge and then a second time to rent it back, perpetuating a financially broken system.

4. Publishers Force Libraries Into Unfair “All-You-Can-Eat” Deals

The scholarly publishing market is controlled by what Edmunds calls a “five-publisher oligopoly.” This lack of competition allows them to leverage their advantage in several unfair ways. First, the cost of ebooks is artificially high, often costing more to license than to buy the print version outright. Second, these costs have risen much faster than the rate of inflation for decades.

This is compounded by anti-competitive business practices. Publishers force libraries into “all-you-can-eat” deals, bundling content so libraries must license “thousands and even tens of thousands of ebooks that we neither want nor need” just to access a few critical titles. Imagine going to the grocery store for your favorite cereal, only to be told you must buy one of every single cereal in the aisle. Finally, publishers include non-disclosure clauses in their contracts, preventing libraries from discussing prices with each other. These tactics create an opaque and anti-competitive market where libraries, stewards of public knowledge, are forced to operate in the dark, unable to negotiate fair terms for the communities they serve.

5. A Solution Exists: Treating Knowledge as a Public Good

The way to correct this broken system is to reframe our thinking. What if we treated the knowledge that we collectively fund and create not as a private commodity, but as a “public good” like roads, bridges, or clean water? This model, known as Open Access, is already proving its value.

  • The journal Lingua, published by the giant Elsevier, costs libraries over $2,500 a year. Disgusted with the pricing model, its editors left and started Glossa—a journal covering the same topic with the same high quality, except it is completely free and openly accessible to all.
  • The concept also applies to textbooks through Open Educational Resources (OER). Textbook costs have risen over 1,000% in the last 40 years. A 2022 Penn State study found that 65% of students have skipped buying a required textbook due to cost, and nearly a third—31%—have elected not to take a course because the materials were too expensive.
  • In response, the Penn State Open Textbook Library now offers over 1,500 textbooks across all disciplines that are free to access online and freely adaptable. This means a professor can find a book, remove or rewrite chapters to perfectly suit their course, and then provide that customized version to students for free.

Conclusion: The Real Value of Information

The current scholarly publishing model is a broken system, built on turning shared knowledge into a private commodity. It is economically unsustainable for the institutions we rely on for education and discovery. Moving forward requires us to reclaim the value of information not for profit, but for the public good. As Jeffrey Edmunds concludes, the stakes are higher than just library budgets.

“Democracy demands an informed citizenry and informed citizens must have free and Equitable and open access to information and to knowledge especially the knowledge that we’ve collectively funded and created. Knowledge is not a private commodity to be handed off to some third party knowledge is a public good and it must be treated as such.”

Watch the video here:

Democracy symbols

Why Modern Democracy is an Illusion

By

On November 24, 2025

In Opinion, Blogging, Nepal, Politics

By means of ever more effective methods of mind-manipulation, the democracies will change their nature; the quaint old forms—elections, parliaments, Supreme Courts and all the rest—will remain. The underlying substance will be a new kind of non-violent totalitarianism.

– Aldous Huxley (Brave New World Revisited, 1958)

Democracy in modern times is an illusion. It is a doublespeak for elites who ask for our votes while legitimising their control. We are living in a system that calls us free while we are imprisoned by emotions shaped by algorithms, propaganda, and continuous surveillance.

Athenian Democracy

Most historians agree that democracy originated from Athens. The people in Athens, a Greek city-state, developed democracy to conduct public affairs. The concept was simple. The citizens gathered in the Agora for Assembly (Ekklesia) to vote on laws, declare war or peace, decide foreign policy, and oversee public spending. Participation was a civic duty, not a choice.

There were no elections in Athens, though. They believed that elections could be rigged by the wealthy, the eloquent, or the well-connected. Because elections could give rise to oligarchy, they used lottery to select their representatives. Although fateful, they thought the random choice was more democratic as everyone had equal opportunity. They had also invented the kleroterion, an allotment machine to prevent rigging of the lottery.

One of the biggest problems of the Athenian Democracy was that it included citizens only, which included men born in the city. Women, slaves, merchants, and foreigners were excluded from voting. Even the original democracy was not fully democratic.

Plato’s Democracy

In the Republic, Plato discusses five kinds of regimes:

  • Aristocracy: Rule by the wise philosopher king who is benevolent and not tyrannical,
  • Timocracy: Rule by honour-driven soldiers. Ancient Sparta is an example.
  • Oligarchy: Rule by the wealthy landowners who put money above all increasing the gap between the rich and the poor. A capitalist state gives rise to oligarchy.
  • Democracy: Rule by the many after revolution against the oligarchs. Democracy can descend into mob rule and then into tyranny.
  • Tyranny: Rule of the “protector” of the people who crushes his enemies and develops a system to protect himself. By the time people recognize the tyrant, they are already under his control.

Plato believed that not everyone was able to lead and had to eventually give in to the desire of the public. Pacifying the people the sole objective of a democratic ruler and this would eventually lead to anarchy and tyranny.

Representative Democracy and the American Discussion

The Athenian Democracy ensured everyone’s direct participation. However, applying it to a state with large population or geographic barriers is extremely difficult. There is also a possibility of mob rule, as Plato feared, where wrong decisions and actions can also be approved by the crowd. Democracy was not a favoured form of regime.

In most of the places, representatives of an estate, clan or group ruled over the people. These were often unelected. Even when elected, like in the Roman Republic, they used to come from elite families. The Magistratus, the Senate, and the Comitia heavily favoured the oligarchs. Similar arrangements were made in the parliaments of the mediaeval period.

The concept of elected representatives became more popular after the promulgation of the Constitution of the U.S.A. and the success of the French Revolution. They were inspired by the ideas of John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, and the debates of the American Founding Fathers regarding democracy and republic.

John Locke argued for representative institutions that safeguard people’s rights in Two Treatises of Government (1689). Similarly, in The Spirit of the Laws (1748), Montesquieu detailed the idea of separation of powers. James Madison, one of the Founding Fathers of the U.S.A., strongly preferred republic over democracy:

Democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention… and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths.
— Federalist No. 10 (1787)

Thomas Jefferson favoured broader democratic participation, argued for more trust in the “common man”, and pushed for expanding suffrage, but did not support direct democracy.

The idea of representative democracy was not uncontested, however. Rousseau, for instance, argued that true sovereignty rests with the people directly and that representation is a form of slavery:

“The moment a people gives itself representatives, it is no longer free.”
— The Social Contract (1762)

Nepal’s Practice of Democracy

Nepal became a democratic state in 1951. There have also been protests in 1990 and 2006 to restore democracy. However, many indigenous peoples in Nepal have been practicing democracy since antiquity, for instance:

The Guthi System (Newar Communities)

The guthi is not only a land trust but also a self-governing social institution where decisions are taken collectively by lineage members. The leader is called thakali (not to be confused with the ethnic people, Thakali from Thak Khola area of Mustang, whose system is described in the next section).

Some of its features are:

  • Leadership rotation
  • Collective labour
  • Social accountability mechanisms
  • Participation by household, not just by individual “citizens”
  • Decisions often made through consensus, not simple majority rule
  • Certain guthi (especially diguthi) allow women significant authority

Guthis also call for collective action. Changes about to be brought by the Guthi bill were opposed in 2019.

The Thakali System

Thakali governance traditionally involves:

  • The Thakali Council (Thakali Tewa)
  • Female inheritance in some clans
  • Matriarchal features in household authority
  • A trading-network-based social order where economic cooperation required inclusive decision-making
  • Ritual and community functions coordinated by collective assemblies

The Panchayat System

King Mahendra introduced the Panchayat System in 1962. He believed partisan democracy did not suit Nepal and introduced a democratic system that valued local governance. A Panchayat at the local level included five representatives who looked after the basic needs and small judicial proceedings among the people. Although it was replaced by multi-party democracy in 1990, the system still influences the villages in Nepal and also shapes the modern local governance at the ward level.

Multi-Party Democracy with Constitutional Monarchy

In 1990, Nepal adopted a new constitution, and with it restored multi-party democracy with the constitutional monarch as the protector. Some communist groups who were unsatisfied, started an armed revolution against the government. Parties, especially Nepali Congress and CPN-UML, busy with their internal politics and unserious about the issue, let the movement grow. They also wanted to use excessive force using the Royal Nepal Army, whose deployment required the King’s permission.

After the Royal Massacre of King Birendra’s family in the Narayanhiti Palace premises, the Maoists declared monarchy was dead. King Gyanendra could not gain support from the people and he had to give up his throne paving way for democratic republican system.

Multi-Party Democratic Republic

Nepal adopted the republican system on the first meeting of the First Constituent Assembly in 2008. The Second Constituent Assembly gave Nepal its current constitution which adopts competitive multi-party democratic republic. However, competition is limited by fragile coalitions, shifting loyalties, and undemocratic practices within the parties.

Democracy in Modern Times

Oligarchic Elections and Tyrannical Tendencies

In modern times, “democracy” and “republic” are often used interchangeably. Whether it is the parliamentary democracy of India, the presidential republic of the USA or the democratic republic of Nepal, people’s participation is ensured through periodic elections. Constitutions, laws, and institutions prevent the tyranny of the majority. Institutions have become more inclusive as voting and candidacy rights prevent discrimination on any grounds.

The problem, however, is that democracies have become mechanical. Elections are announced, political parties or individuals participate, people vote, and the representatives make laws or execute them according to the set principles. The actual voice of people is often lost, as they have little say in the nomination of political parties and candidates and the laws and policies the representatives endorse. This is because modern democracy is actually an oligarchy with popular legitimacy.

In an oligarchy, authority is in the hands of a select few, often distinguished by wealth, family ties, military power, or intellectual influence. Robert Michels’ “iron law of oligarchy” argues that even democratic organisations tend to concentrate power in a few hands due to organisational necessities.

The political parties and their leaders are often like oligarchs. They tend to concentrate power to themselves, depriving the general people from even the basic rights. The collective knowledge on denial of rights, political oppression, and ideological slavery is driving protests all over the world. Bangladesh’s July 2024 Uprising, Nepal’s September 2025 Protests, and uprisings in Indonesia, Philippines, and Madagascar.

There is also the danger of elected tyrants. Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, and Vladimir Putin suppressed opposition and undermined democracy even though they themselves contested elections. These leaders are villains to people who follow democratic ideals. But there is also a curious case of Lee Kwan Yew, the beloved Founding Father of Singapore. He and his PAP did bring up many reforms that upscaled industries in Singapore and improved people’s lives, but he also brutally suppressed the communists.

Mind Manipulation

The villainization of some and heroization of others is the result of interest-based mind manipulation or propaganda through the use of media. Although both Putin and Yew suppressed their rivals, Putin is a villain to the West because he does not accept the Western agenda and aggressively counters them. Yew, on the other hand, is a hero because he acted to safeguard the Western interests. The US intervention in other countries is an act of peace, whereas the Russian invasion of Ukraine is imperialism. Change the news sources to Russia or Putin-supporting Russians, Putin is the hero, and the Western leaders are the villains. Truth in global politics is mediated by geopolitical interests, not universal moral standards.

Proliferation of social media has become a fuel for propaganda as explained by P.W. Singer and Emeron T. Brooking in their book, LikeWar. Politics is now a game of algorithm. If you “like”, “follow” or “subscribe” to a certain belief, you get bombarded with content that support it. Opposing political ideas become intolerable. You are fed sponsored political campaigns involving provocative statements from leaders and electoral candidates, endorsements from “influencers” who chase clout, and identity-based mobilization that hate on “others”. With unfiltered opinionated people catering to algorithm-filtered content on social media, populism is on the rise.

Populism and Celebrity Leadership

Representative Democracy inherently is a game of convincing people to elect candidates to an office. The game of throne is that of lies, and the one who can lie the most effectively is the winner. Successful is the one who either belongs to a political party with strong grassroots movements, promises to change the status quo through effective campaigning, or has made a name in the community in the past. No candidate can win elections in vacuum.

Political parties with strong grassroots movements are often the best in practicing democracy. Candidates from such parties are also the favourites. However, there is no denying that political parties and candidates are often used by the rich and the powerful to further the policies they want. The candidates also promise to provide basic infrastructures like roads and drinking water even if may be against the existing laws and policies or undermine sustainability.

Candidates working among the people for some time have a good understanding of the problems. If they already are members of political parties, they have the best chance. If they don’t belong to political parties, they may sweep the election as underdogs. However, they also must cater to people’s desire to solve the existing problems even if the solutions are illogical or problematic.

Effective campaigning, however, trumps everything else. You may belong to a political party or have good relations with the people, if you have no campaigning, you can’t win. Candidates use the rally of supporters, go to each household, meet each voter, and ask for a vote. All these have been eased by social media. And who has the best chance of succeeding in social media? Celebrities!

Ronald Reagan was an actor before he stepped into politics and became the President of the US. Donald Trump too came from entertainment industry. Nepal has also seen TV presenters and singers such as Rabi Lamichhane, Komal Oli, and Balen Shah have turned into leaders. Except Komal Oli, the existing fans of these celebrities have helped push forward their narratives, even when they are apolitical.

When leaders always cater to the emotions of the people, they eliminate opponents and gradually overreach to perpetuate their rule.

Continuation of Institutions

Democratic tyrannical leaders, unlike those like Ibrahim Traoré, need democratic institutions to legitimize their rule. Political scientists Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way describe modern states that maintain elections and courts but undermine real accountability as competitive authoritarian regimes. This is because power is most stable when people believe it is legitimate, and legitimacy is most easily maintained when people feel they are in control and believe they choose their leaders. A system seeking to control citizens without violence must therefore keep the appearance of democracy. They also need the facade for international legitimacy.

The continuation of institutions also comforts the general public. Most people stability and predictability over revolution and chaos. Keeping them provides emotional reassurance, even while policymakers, media, or interest groups subtly control outcomes behind the scenes. Moreover, the “democracy” needs to manufacture consent for self-legitimacy. The reign continues even though there the outcomes are predetermined by algorithmic control, agenda-setting, media manipulation, and financial influence. In fact, the participation itself generates consent.

War Politics

The Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) argues that democracies don’t go to war. The reality is different. Except communist dictatorships like North Korea and absolute monarchists like Saudi Arabia, almost every country claims to be democratic, hold elections, and support peace. Everyone is at war, though. From direct confrontations to proxy wars, the world is reeling with futile wars that only strengthen the elites.

Conclusion

The original Athenian Democracy included the voice of people, but it excluded women, slaves, and merchant. Compared to that, Nepal’s indigenous institutions are more democratic. Modern Democracy is different. It is representative and inclusive, but it is a rhetoric for mass control with manufactured consent. It is a system that depends on lies, propaganda, and emotional manipulation to legitimize itself. As Huxley says, the political institutions and structures remain “democratic. However, they are weak and corrupt and invoke fear and terror instead of respect and peace. Modern Democracy is an illusion that promotes hate over love, and divided identities over unity of humanity.

What’s the solution then? The solution, I think, is to give up the notion that each individual has power over the matters of the country. I don’t. Neither does the elected representative. Everyone in the society should be conscious enough to know that leadership is a heavy burden. From such a society emerge leaders who can balance practicalities with philosophy that best serves humanity. We need a grassroots movement that reinforces morality, truthfulness, and conscience. It will turn hatred into love and replace divisions with unity.

A more practical approach would be to improve civic education, strengthen institutions, and safeguard transparency mechanisms. Political parties should be made more democratic through internal debates and periodic elections of the leaders.

For Nepal, the path forward is not simply imitation of Western models but the creation of a contextual, home-grown, critical democracy that:

  • connects technological opportunity (digital participation) with local realities;
  • draws on Nepal’s traditional community governance like the guthi system, inclusive practices among multiple ethnicities and castes;
  • recognises that participation must include real agency, not just elections; and
  • safeguards against elite capture, algorithmic manipulation and institutional stagnation.
रमितेको आवरण

रमिते : सभ्यताको पहेली बोकेको उपन्यास

By

On November 14, 2025

In Book Review, Blogging, नेपाली, साहित्य

नाइटका मुख्य गायक तथा सङ्गीतकार जेसन कुँवरको उपन्यास सार्वजनिक नहुँदै व्यग्र प्रतीक्षामा थिएँ । सार्वजनिक हुँदा आवरणको अघिल्लो भागमा नाम थिएन । छेउमा मात्रै थियो: रमिते – जेसन कुँवर । आवरणले नै खुल्दुली जगाएको थियो । पहिलोचोटि उपन्यास पढेपछि बुझेजस्तो पनि भयो, नबुझेजस्तो पनि । दोस्रोपटकको पठनमा अलि गहिरिएँ । यो समीक्षा यी पठन अनुभवबाट निस्किएको छ ।

जेसन कुँवर कृत रमिते सभ्यताको कथा बोकेको एउटा स्वैरकाल्पनिक उपन्यास हो । यद्यपि यो उपन्यास मात्रै हैन । कुँवर र उनको ब्याण्ड नाइटले यसलाई मल्टीमिडिया प्रोजेक्ट भनेको छ । रमिते भोल्युम १ र २ गीति एल्बम, तीसँग सम्बन्धित केही युट्युब भिडियो, र उपन्यासको कथासँग सम्बन्धित नक्सासहितको वेबसाइट आइसकेको छ । रङ्गमञ्चमा पनि उतार्ने कुरा थियो तर अहिलेसम्म बनेको थाहा पाएको छैन । पहेलीजस्तो उपन्यास र अन्य सामग्रीले उपन्यासमा नभनिएका कुराहरूले पाठकको धैर्य र बुद्धिमताको परीक्षा लिन्छन् ।

कथा सार

रमिते उपन्यासले पाठकलाई स्वाट्ट आफ्नो संसारमा तान्छ अनि पाठक आफूलाई खिलेहरूसँगको यात्रामा पाउँछ । पहाड, दलदल, जङ्गलमा खिले र उसका साथीहरू किन हिँडिरहेका छन् भन्ने बुझ्न केही समय लाग्छ । धैर्य राख्दै पढ्दा जब खिले सुल्फाको मातमा एउटा दलदलमा फस्छ तब ती यात्री को हुन् भन्ने प्रश्नको उत्तर पाइन्छ ।

ती यात्री ३०९ दिनअघि उगा गाउँबाट हिँडेका थिए । उगामा वरिपरिका गाउँहरू न्याउरी, खोर्लाङ, छेतुम, थाम्बोङको तुलनामा सह छ । धर्के बा पन्ध्र वर्षको हुँदा पहिलो पटक गाउँ छाडेर निकै पर परका गाउँमा पुगेर नयाँ बीउ र खेतीको नयाँ सीप ल्याए । प्रत्येक दश वर्षमा उनी गाउँ छाड्थे अनि माटोको सह कायम राख्थे । पाँच पटकसम्म त्यसै गरे । उनको सिको गरे अरू युवाहरूले पनि । सुरु भयो दसपर्म ।

खिले किशोर छँदा खुराल काका र उनका दौँतरी दसपर्म गएर गाउँ फर्किन्छ्न् । ऊ तिनका कहानी सुन्न गइरहन्छ अनि दसपर्म जाने रहर गर्छ । खुराल काकासँग खोर्लाङ गाउँ जाँदा उसले अरू गाउँलेहरू अन्न नपाएर कसरी छट्पटिएका छन् भन्ने बुझ्छ । दसपर्म साहसका रमाइला कथा मात्रै हैन, यो त दु:खमा परेका गाउँ र मानिसहरू चिन्ने र तिनलाई सहयोग गर्ने तीर्थाटन पनि हो ।

खिले जवान भएपछि धर्के बा र अरूसँग तालिम लिएर नजिकका गाउँका रिक्टे, खोरे, सिक्रे र धुसेसँग दसपर्म जान्छ । गाउँबाट पश्चिम जाँदै गर्दा चुरिया नजिकै सिक्रे बिरामी पर्छ र त्यतैतिरको गाउँमा बस्छ । अरूहरू धिचुबाट हिँडेपछि झुक्किएर अर्कै बाटो पुग्छन् अनि मगडी नजिक दलदल छेउ पुग्छन् (जहाँ खिले फस्छ तर साथीहरूले निकाल्छन् ।) जसोतसो दलदल पार गरेपछि गँगटे खोला तरेर एउटा गुफामा पुग्छ्न् । त्यहाँ भेटिन्छ, एउटी महिलाको लास र एउटी नौ दश वर्षकी मरणासन्न बच्ची ।

उपन्यासको कथा अब त्यो महिलाको गाउँ लाकु र गँगटे पारिको त्रिचाथातबिचको दुस्मनीमा केन्द्रित हुन्छ । लाकु पश्चिमको धुल्जेङ्ग पहाडपारि बिरासर भन्ने राज्य छ । त्यहाँबाट सिकार खेल्दै आउँदा एउटी योगिनीको पछि लागेर त्रिचापिल्ल र तिनका सेना धुल्जेङ्ग कटेर मगडी आइपुग्छ्न् । बिरासरमा खबर पुर्‍याउन खोज्दा भने कसैले धुल्जेङ्ग पार गर्न सक्दैन । उनीहरू बिस्तारै त्यतै बस्न थाल्छन् । योगिनीसँग त्रिचापिल्लले बिहे पनि गर्छन् र तिनका सन्तान पनि जन्मिन्छन् । एक रात योगिनीले तान्त्रिक साधना गरेको फेला पारेपछि मार्न तम्सिन्छन् तर सक्दैनन् । त्रिचापिल्ल गँगटे तरेर पारी लाग्छन् र त्रिचाथातको बस्ती बसाउँछन् ।

यस्ता कथा सुनेर हुर्किएको त्रिचाथातको डुम्रे आफ्ना गाउँका सारा समस्याको जड लाकुका योगिनीका सन्तान हुन् भन्ने मान्छ । तिनलाई दु:ख दिन कुटपिट र लुटपाट गर्छन् डुम्रे र उसका साथीहरू । गाउँका पुरुषहरू कुटाई र गरिबी सहन नसकेर गाउँ छोड्न थाल्छन् । मरेबाँचेको खबर आउँदैन । डुम्रे र उसका साथीहरू मगडीका महिला र बच्चीहरूलाई दुर्व्यवहार गर्न थाल्छन् । टुहुरीले प्रतिकार गर्छे । बेली चैं योगिनीको सल्लोमा भएको विद्या प्रयोग गरेर डुम्रेलाई मार्न खोज्छे । उता डुम्रे हिर्कोटेहरूसँग मिलेर योगिनीको शक्ति नास गर्ने भन्दै मगडीका सबै घर र मानिसलाई जलाउँछ । बेली उसकी छोरी ईलाखालाई लिएर सर्पगुफामा पुग्छे । योगिनीको अस्तु खोज्न डुम्रे त्यहाँ आइपुग्छ र बेलीको टाउको फुटाउँछ । ईलाखालाई खिलेहरूले उद्धार गर्छ्न् ।

ईलाखासँग खिलेहरू खर्क र धुल्जेङ्ग हेर्न जान्छन् । टुहुरीसँग कथा सुन्ने पाबुहरू त्यही बाटो परदेश हिँडेका हुन्छन् । पाबु र उसका साथीहरू पहाड पार गर्न लाग्दा भोक, थकान, र चिसोले बिरामी हुन्छन् । पाबुले अचेत अवस्थामा देखेको जादुमयी दृश्यसँगै उपन्यास टुङ्गिन्छ ।

रमितेमा सभ्यता

रमितेमा मूलतः मानिसको पीडाको कथा प्रस्तुत गरिएको भए पनि यो सभ्यताको कथा हो । मानिसले समाज र सभ्यता कसरी स्थापना गर्छ, कसरी प्रेम र करूणाबाट उत्थान गर्छ अनि स्वार्थ, घमण्ड एवम् डरका कारण पतनसम्म पुग्छ भन्ने कुराहरूको वर्णन पाइन्छ ।

मगडीको सभ्यता

हरेक मानिसमा केही साझा प्रश्न हुन्छन्, ‘म को हुँ । यो संसारमा मेरो स्थान के हो ? म के छाडेर जान सक्छु ?’ यस्ता प्रश्नको उत्तर खोजिन्छ समाज, धर्म, र सभ्यतामा । अनि जन्मिन्छ सृष्टिको मिथक (creation myth) । गँगटे खोलाको आसपास रहेको मगडीमा त्यस्तै एउटा मिथक छ कबिसको ।

शून्यबाट सुरु गरे कबिसले ।

संसारमा त केइ थिएन पहिले । अँध्यारो, शून्यशान्य । नास्ति ।…

कबिसले पहिले धरती, अक्कास, घाम, जून, र तारा बनाए ।…

…दलदलको माटो मुछेर कबिसले जनावर, कीट-पतङ्ग, चराचुरुङ्गीको बान्की बनाए । अनि सास फुकेर ती सप्पैलाई जीवन दिए ।

अलि पछि एउटा सपना देखे । त्यसपछि आफ्नै स्वरूपमा नयाँ जीव बनाए–मान्ठ (मान्छे) । उसलाई आफ्नो सबै सीप र ज्ञान दिए । तर:

… मान्ठ अघाउँदै नअघाउने । जति पूरा गरे पनि मान्ठका अर्को एक रहर बढिहाल्थ्यो ।

हरेक कुरमा मान्ठ झगडा र मारकाट गर्न थालेपछि कबिसलाई चिन्ता लाग्न थाल्यो । जति मिलाउन खोज्दा पनि सकेनन् ।

कबिसले त चोखो मन राखेर मान्ठको सृष्टि गरेका थिए । रिस, ईर्ष्या, डाह चाहिँ मान्ठ आफैँले सिर्ज्यो ।

हार खाएर कबिस संसारबाट अलप भए । सहकाल पनि गयो । एकदिन गाउँका एक वृद्धका सपनामा कबिस आउँछन् र सह फर्काउने भए नान्नानी (केटाकेटी)को भोग लगाउनुपर्छ भन्छन् । गाउँ नयाँ रीति बन्छ मानवबलीको । विरोध गर्नेहरू मारिए, लखेटिए ।

जब हिरीकी छोरीको पालो आयो, उनीहरूले बलिप्रथाको विरोध गरे तर गाउँलेले छोरी लगे, लोग्नेलाई जलाए । विह्वल भएकी हिरीले छोरीसहित दलदलमा हाम फाली । यस घटनापछि दलदललाई हिरीको दलदल र गाउँलाई हिर्कोट भन्न थालियो ।

हिरीको आत्मा भने अशान्त नै रह्यो । गाउँका बच्चाहरू हराउन थाले । मगडीको शिरमा दुमाहा बजाउन अनि फेदमा शङ्ख फुकिन थालेपछि योगिनीको रूप लिई । तिनै योगिनीले त्रिचापिल्ललाई बिरासरबाट ल्याइन् अनि मगडीका सबै संस्कार, नियम उनले भनेजस्तै परिवर्तन हुँदै गयो ।

यसरी मगडीको सभ्यतामा सृष्टिको कथासँगै विभिन्न रीतिरिवाज र बाहिरी हस्तक्षेपसम्मको कथा पाइन्छ । कथा र मिथकका रूपमा मगडीको ईतिहास बाँचेको देखिन्छ ।

उगाको सभ्यता

कालुम्गे हिमालमुनि धाम्सुली खोलाको वरिपरि बसेको उगाको सभ्यताको सुरुवात मगडीमा जस्तै एक व्यक्तिको पुरुषार्थबाट हुन्छ जो भगवान जस्तै छन् । उगाको बस्ती बसाउन र समृद्ध बनाउन धर्केको महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका छ । उसले सुरु गरेको दसपर्मबाट नै त्यो सम्भव भयो । खोर्लाङको मुख्खे भन्छ,

गाउँमा सास फुक्यो धर्केले । अझ आसपासका गाउँ सप्पैलाई एक बना’को छ । मारकाट र लुटपाटले सारा सखाप भइसक्थ्यो । एकअर्काका रगत र मासु खान्थ्यौँ । … तिनलाई सप्पैले देउता मान्छन् भन्थे हाम्रा बाले । सय बर्ख तार्‍यो तेसले अब त । अझ अस्ताउने छाँट देखाउँदैन । यत्रो बर्ख गाउँठाउँ एकै गरेर बाँधेर राख्न सक्नु कसैको हुतीले भ्याउने कुरो होइन । कालुम्गेको रगत बग्छ तेसको नसामा ।

यताका मानिसहरू पनि सबै ठाउँमा सह नआएकाले चटकेको पर्खाइमा छ्न् । त्यही आस्थाले पनि सबैलाई जोड्न सकेको छ ।

उत्थान र पतन

विरासर त्रिचापिल्लका पुर्खाले निकै मिहिनेतले बनाएका थिए । त्रिचापिल्ल आफैँ त्रिचाथातका संरचना र नियम कानून बनाउँन पुग्छन् । योगिनीले आफ्नो विद्या प्रयोग गरेर मगडीको स्थापना गर्छिन् ।

सभ्यताको निर्माणसँगै रीतिरिवाज पनी जन्मिन्छन् । धर्केले सुरु गरेको दसपर्म उगाको अभिन्न चलन र परिचय बनेको छ । जहाँजहाँ दसपर्म जान्छन् त्यहाँ आफूसँग भएका अन्नका बीउ र सीप बाँड्छन् । ती गाउँमा नयाँ बालीको बीउ र सीप भए उगालाई सिकाउँछन् ।

मगडीमा योगिनीले आफ्ना विद्याका आधारमा रीति बसाइन् । आफ्नै लिपि बनाइन्, नागी । त्यसमा लेखिन् तिनमा जडीबुटी, मानिस, घोडा र अन्य जनावरको स्नायुलगायत प्रणालीहरूको ज्ञान छ । केही समय गाउँलेहरू तिनमा आधारित भएर चले । मगडी पारिका त्रिचाथात, हिर्कोटमा ठीक उल्टो थीति बस्यो । योगिनीको ज्ञान विस्तारै हराउँदै जाँदा मगडीमा उनी देवीजस्ती भएकी छिन् । अरू गाउँलेका लागि भने तिनी अतृप्त राक्षसी बनेकी छिन् ।

प्रायः सबै गाउँमा सह हराउँदै गएको चिन्ता छ । उगा र उसले सहयोग गर्ने खोर्लाङ र छेतुमजस्ता गाउँमा कालुम्गे हिमाल पारिबाट कोही चटके आएपछि सबै ठीक हुन्छ भन्ने आशा छ । मगडी योगिनीको पुनर्जन्म हुने आश गर्छन् । मगडी र त्रिचाथातकाहरू धुल्जेङ्ग कटेर विरासर पुगेपछि सबै ठीक हुने सपना देख्छन् ।

आफ्नो सभ्यता अन्त्य होला भन्ने डर पनि गाउँहरूमा छ । मान्छेले मान्छेलाई खाने अवस्था आउने हो कि भनेर पनि उनीहरू सहयोगी बनेका छन् । कुनैकुनै गाउँमा त्यस्तो अवस्था पनि आइसकेको कुरा पाबुकी आमाको कथामा भेटिन्छ ।

देबाले मलाई झुलुक्क हेर्‍यो । उसको आँखामा पहिलो पटक डर देखेँ । … टाउकोदेखि घुँडासम्म छोप्ने गरि भाङ्ग्रा ओढेका पाराले नै ती मान्छेहरू रिम्के फेदीका थिए भन्ने बुझिहालेँ । एकको भाङ्ग्राभित्रको हात बाहिर निस्कँदा बन्चरो चम्कियो । … बन्चरो समात्ने सरासर देबातिर बढ्यो । हावामा उठायो बन्चरो र देबाको निधारमा जोडले मार हान्यो ।

… तीनैजना पालैपालो हातका मासु लुछ्दै खान थाले ।

यद्यपि यस्तो विभत्स दृश्यको बिचमा थोरै करुणा पनि देखिन्छ । पाबुकी आमा दोजिया भएकी थाहा पाएपछि रिम्केकाहरूले उसलाई चाहिँ मार्दैनन् । लाकुमा बेलीहरूले भोग्नुपरेको पीडा हेर्दा चैं मानिस भोक नभए पनि क्रूर हुन सक्छन् भन्ने देखिन्छ ।

रमितेमा पुरुष र महिलाका भूमिका

पुरुष र महिलाका भिन्नाभिन्नै भूमिका रमितेका सभ्यतामा देखिन्छ । उगाका अधिकांश पुरुषहरू खेतीपातीमा संलग्न छन् । जवानहरू दसपर्म गएर जान सक्नेजति ठाउँमा पुगेर नयाँ बीउ ल्याउने, भएका बीउ र बाली बाँडफाँड गर्ने पनि गर्छन् । उनीहरू वरपरका गाउँमा हुने किचलो छिनोफानो गर्न पनि सक्रिय रहन्छन् । उगाका महिलाहरू घरखेतका काम गर्छन् । यहाँ महिलापुरुषका बीचमा खासै मतभेद देखिँदैन ।

मगडीमा भने पुरुष र महिलाका विभिन्न आयाम देखिन्छ । लाकुमा योगिनी, तिनका शिष्य र सन्तानहरू मातृसत्तात्मक छन् । यहाँका महिलाहरू घरबार र संस्कृतिका संरक्षकका रूपमा रहेका छन् । योगिनीले सुरु गरेको भाषा र पत्ता लगाएको ज्ञान महिलाहरूले नै जोगाएका छन् । तर त्रिचथाटका पुरुषहरूले दमन गर्दा सहन्छन् । विद्रोह गर्नेहरूमाथि कुटपिट, यौन शोषण र अन्नमा प्रतिबन्ध लाग्ने भएकाले उनीहरू सम्झौता गर्न बाध्य भएका छन् ।

त्रिचाथाटका पुरुषहरूसँग लड्न नसकेर लाकुका पुरुष र बालकहरू गाउँ छाडेर जान्छन् । द्वन्द्वका कारण वैदेशिक रोजगारीका लागि गएका उनीहरूको अत्तोपत्तो भने छैन । त्रिचाथाटका युवाहरू भने हुर्राको अम्मली भएर अरूलाई कुट्दै, लुट्दै हिँड्छन् । उनीहरूमा योगिनी र लाकुका विरुद्ध यति रिस छ कि तिनलाई नसिध्याई हुँदैन भन्ने भावना दह्रोसँग बसेको छ ।

रमितेमा गीतसङ्गीत

गीत सङ्गीतविनाको समाज कल्पना गर्नै सकिँदैन । रमितेको मल्टीमिडिया दुनियाँमा गीतसङ्गीतको छुट्टै एल्बमहरू नै छन् । युट्युबमा भोल्युम १ का नौवटा गीतसङ्गीत भेटिन्छ भने भोल्युम २ बाट “छेतुमको मेला” भेटिन्छ । छुट्टाछुट्टै अरू भिडियो र गीतहरू पनि भेटिन्छ्न् । गीतसङ्गीतको छुट्टै विश्लेषण गर्न सकिन्छ । छोटकरीमा भन्नुपर्दा गीतसङ्गीतले रमितेको भूगोललाई बुझ्न सहयोग गर्छ । जस्तै, खोर्लाङमा गाइने छेतुमको मेला तामाङ, शेर्पाहरूका गीतसँग मिल्छ । यसमा टुङ्नाको प्रयोग मज्जासँगले गरिएको छ । त्यस्तै, खिलेको मनमा आउने “नीलिको गीत (फूल रोप्देऊ चिहानमा)” पूर्वेली भाका (सायद सङ्गिनी) बाट लिइएको छ । लाकुमा गाइने “बास मैना मोरेली”का शब्द र लय देउडासँग मेल खान्छ ।

गीत बाहेक उपन्यासमा प्रयुक्त वर्णनहरूमा पनि सङ्गीत अछुतो छैन । यहाँ खोला, पहाड, बोटबिरूवा सबै नै सङ्गीतमय छन् । बेलाबेलामा आउने शून्यताले पात्रहरू ठूलो सङ्कटमा परेको सङ्केत पनि दिन्छ्न् ।

रमिते को हो ?

यो प्रश्नको उत्तर भेटिँदैन । उपन्यासका कथा र उपकथामा रमितेको कुनै स्थान छैन । पुस्तकको आवरणको देखिने ठाउँमा ऊ छैन । ऊ आवरणको किनार मा भेटिन्छ । अन्त कतै भेटिँदैन ।

रमितेको आवरण

रमिते सायद जेसन कुँवर हुन् जो किनारमा बसेर उगा, मगडी, र त्रिचाथातका धर्के, खुराल, खिले, टुहुरी, बेली, डुम्रेका कथाहरू पस्किरहेका छन् । रमिते सायद पाठक हुन् जो यी गाउँमा डुल्दै यी पात्रका क्रियाकलाप टुलुटुलु हेरेर बसेका छन् । रमिते समाज र सभ्यताको उत्थान र पतन देख्न सक्छ, मानिसहरूका पीडा महसुस गर्न सक्छ तर आफू केही गर्न सक्दैन । ऊ न कथाको मुख्य पात्र हो न त इतिहासले सम्झने नायक । ऊ न घटनाक्रमलाई हस्तक्षेप गर्न सक्छ न त कसैलाई बचाउन । कथाका पात्रका पीडा र षड्यन्त्र बुझे पनि बाहिर किनारामा बसेर पीडा भोग्न, मन कुँडाउन र आँसु बगाउन अभिशप्त छ ।

निष्कर्ष

हाम्रै गाउँठाउँमा हुन सक्ने कथा र मिथकहरूलाई जोडेर जेसन कुँवरले एउटा गहन उपन्यास तयार पारेका छन् । सामन्य शव्दहरूमा मानव सभ्यता र मानसिकता देखाएका छ्न् । उपन्यासले सोच्न बाध्य बनाउँछ आफ्नै बारेमा, समाज र सभ्यताका बारेमा । पहेलीको एउटा पाटोका रूपमा रहेको “रमिते”लाई मैले पूर्णत: बुझ्न सकेको छैन । यद्यपि यो यात्रा हो । यत्तिकै बिचमै नटुङ्गियोस् भन्ने कामना गरिरहेको छु ।

A symbolic image showing influence of NGOs and INGOs in Nepal

नेपाल एनजीओ र आईएनजीओको पकडमा: हामी किन सतर्क हुनुपर्छ

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On September 28, 2025

In विचार, Blogging, नेपाली

म अझै पनि नेपालमा घटेका भदौ २३ र २४ (सेप्टेम्बर ८ र ९) का घटनाहरूलाई बुझ्ने प्रयास गरिरहेको छु। पहिलो दिनको युवाहरूको विरोध प्रदर्शन नरसंहारमा परिणत भयो र भोलिपल्ट भएको दंगाले मलाई भित्रैसम्म हल्लाएको छ। नयाँ अन्तरिम प्रधानमन्त्रीको नियुक्तिले केही शान्ती ल्यायो, तर मलाई लाग्छ अर्को आँधी अझै आउन बाँकी छ।

दंगा समाप्त भएपछिको राजनीति एवम् गैरसरकारी संस्था र अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय गैरसरकारी संस्थाहरूको स्पष्ट संलग्नताले मलाई इतिहासको किनारमा अल्झिएको रमिते जस्तो महसुस गराएको छ। म विरोध, वाचा, पछाडिको सम्झौताका चालहरू भइरहेको देख्छु तर म निरीह महसुस गर्छु। नेपालको भविष्यको बारेमा चिन्तित धेरै मानिसहरू पनि फेला पारिरहेको छु। मेरो देशमा पछिल्ला दुई हप्तामा के देखियो भने पवित्र उद्देश्य भएको शान्तिपूर्ण विरोध पनि हिंसात्मक हुन सक्दो रहेछ सार्वभौमिकता जनताको पकडबाट चुपचाप चिप्लन सक्दो रहेछ।

विरोध प्रदर्शनको बारेमा हामीलाई के थाहा छ

विरोध प्रदर्शनको मूल कारण

चुनिएका केहीलाई फाइदा पुर्‍याउने राजनीतिले तनाव र निराशा निम्त्यायो। राजनीतिक अक्षमता र हस्तक्षेपका कारण रोजगारी र राम्रो शिक्षाको अभावले युवाहरूमाझ बसाइँसराइ बढ्यो। राजनीतिक दलहरूबीचको अस्वस्थ र अप्रत्याशित गठबन्धनले देखायो कि उनीहरू सत्तामा टिक्न जे पनि गर्न सक्छन्। देशको हरेक संस्थामा राजनीतिक दलहरूको प्रभुत्वले उनीहरूलाई भ्रष्ट बनायो। राजनीतिक अभिजात वर्ग (एलिट) भ्रष्टाचार, सम्पत्ति शुद्धीकरण र मानव बेचबिखनको आरोपबाट मुक्त थियो। सरकार बढ्दो रूपमा अहङ्कारी हुँदै गइरहेको थियो र चैत्र १५, २०८१ मा तीनकुनेमा भएको दंगाले यसलाई अजेय महसुस गरायो।

विरोध प्रदर्शनलाई के ले उत्प्रेरित गर्‍यो

नयाँ डिजिटल सेवा नियमहरू अन्तर्गत दर्ता गर्न नआएकाले सरकारले २६ सामाजिक सञ्जाल प्लेटफर्महरू (फेसबुक, व्हाट्सएप, इन्स्टाग्राम, युट्युब, एक्स, आदि) मा प्रतिबन्ध लगायो। गलत सूचना र विदेशी प्लेटफर्महरूको नियमन अन्तर्गत यो जायज थियो। (रोयटर्स) तर धेरै युवा नेपालीहरू (विद्यार्थीहरू, डिजिटल मूल निवासीहरू) का लागि सामाजिक सञ्जाल जीविकोपार्जन र अभिव्यक्ति दुवै हो। प्रतिबन्ध सेन्सरशिप जस्तो लाग्यो, तर यसले गहिरो असन्तुष्टिलाई पनि प्रकाश पार्यो: भ्रष्टाचार, रोजगारीको अभाव, नातावाद। (रोयटर्स)

प्रतिबन्धपछि के भयो

सामाजिक सञ्जाल प्रतिबन्ध खासै कडा थिएन। साधारण DNS परिवर्तन वा ओभरलेले यसलाई बाइपास गर्न सक्थ्यो। प्रधानमन्त्री आफैं फेसबुकमा पोस्ट गर्दै थिए, जसले नेताहरूको पाखण्ड उजागर गर्‍यो।

सरकारी नियमहरूको पालना गरेको कारणले प्रतिबन्धित नभएको टिकटकमा, “नेपोबेबी” ट्रेण्ड भाइरल भयो। राजनीतिक अभिजात वर्ग र उनीहरूका बच्चाहरूले धनको प्रदर्शनले युवाहरूको क्रोध बढायो।

  • सेप्टेम्बर ८ मा जेन जेड (हाल १३ देखि २८ वर्ष उमेरका) द्वारा विरोधको आह्वान रेडिटमा आयो र बालेन शाह, आरएसपी र रवि लामिछानेले फेसबुकमा गरेका पोस्टहरूले यसलाई बढावा दियो।
  • पारदर्शिता र जवाफदेहिताको माग गर्दै शान्तिपूर्ण रूपमा सुरु गरिएको “जेन जेड” विरोध प्रदर्शनकारीहरू संसद भवनमा प्रवेश गर्दा नरसंहारको रूप लियो। प्रारम्भिक अनुमानमा संसद नजिकै भएको झडपमा कम्तिमा १९ जनाको मृत्यु भएको उल्लेख गरिएको छ। पछि समाचार आयो कि त्यस दिन सत्तरी भन्दा बढी मारिएका थिए र लगभग एक हजार जना घाइते भएका थिए।
  • भोलिपल्ट, देशभर विरोध प्रदर्शन अभूतपूर्व स्तरमा बढ्यो र प्रधानमन्त्री केपी शर्मा ओलीलाई राजीनामा दिन बाध्य पार्यो।
  • त्यसपछि दङ्गाले संसद भवन, कार्यकारी दरबार (सिंहदरबार), सर्वोच्च र जिल्ला अदालत, सडक विभाग, सीआईएए, र धेरै अन्य सार्वजनिक तथा निजी सम्पत्तिहरू जलाइदियो।
  • सार्वजनिक सम्पत्ति जलाउन छुट दिएको नेपाली सेनाले केही समयको लागि शान्ति सुरक्षाको जिम्मा लिएको थियो र प्रदर्शनकारीहरूलाई वार्ताको लागि बोलाएको थियो।
  • अन्तरिम प्रधानमन्त्री सुशीला कार्की (पूर्व प्रधानन्यायाधीश) लाई डिस्कर्डमा लगभग ७००० जनाको मतदानबाट छनोट गरिएको थियो। (रोयटर्स)
  • राष्ट्रपतिले कुनै पनि संवैधानिक प्रावधान उल्लेख नगरी नयाँ प्रधानमन्त्री नियुक्त गर्नुभयो।वार्ता सुरु हुँदा, राष्ट्रपति, भावी प्रधानमन्त्री, सेना प्रमुख र प्रदर्शनकारीहरूका प्रतिनिधिहरूले पछाडि छलफल गरे। सुरुमा माग गरिएको पारदर्शिता घट्दै गएको देखिन्थ्यो। सम्झौताहरू गरियो। केही प्रदर्शनकारीहरूले भने कि तिनीहरू राजनीतिज्ञ बन्न चाहँदैनन्; तैपनि तिनीहरू उच्च दांवका निर्णयहरू गर्ने हिस्सा बने।
  • अन्तरिम सरकारले मार्च २०२६ मा चुनाव हुने बताएको छ।

संवैधानिक र कानुनी तनाव

नेपालको संविधान (२०७२) ले कहिल्यै पनि संसद र राजनीतिक दलहरूको अनुपस्थितिको कल्पना गरेको थिएन। अहिलेको अवस्था यस्तो थियो कि संसद निष्क्रिय भएको थियो र कुनै पनि दललाई विश्वास गर्न सकिँदैनथ्यो। संविधानमा सरकार गठन (धारा ७६ अन्तर्गत) र उच्च पदहरूको लागि योग्यताको बारेमा पनि विशेष धाराहरू छन्। कस्तो व्यक्ति सरकार प्रमुख हुन पाउँछ, मन्त्रीहरू कसरी नियुक्त हुन्छन् र पारदर्शिता, सुशासन, अभिव्यक्ति स्वतन्त्रता जस्ता अधिकारहरूलाई कायम राख्ने प्रावधानहरू छन्।

प्रतिनिधि सभा बाहिरबाट प्रधानमन्त्री नियुक्ति गर्न संविधानले दिँदैन। साथै, पूर्व प्रधानन्यायाधीशलाई कार्यकारी पद धारण गर्न पनि यसले निषेध गर्दछ (धारा १३२(२))। पूर्व प्रधानन्यायाधीश सुशीला कार्कीको अन्तरिम प्रधानमन्त्रीको रूपमा नियुक्तिले संवैधानिक वैधतामाथि प्रश्न उठाउँछ। यद्यपि आवश्यकताको सिद्धान्त र राजनीतिक दलहरूले संविधानलाई कमजोर बनाएको तथ्यलाई उद्धृत गर्दै यसको बचाउ गरिएको छ, संवैधानिक इजलासद्वारा व्याख्याको माग गर्दै रिट निवेदनहरू पहिले नै पेश भइसकेका छन्। सर्वोच्च अदालतको भवनमा आगलागी भएकाले दर्ता ढिलाइ भएको छ।

नेपालको विरोध प्रदर्शन र भविष्यमा एनजीओ र आईएनजीओको भूमिका

आयोजक, स्वयंसेवक र नेताहरू: विरोध प्रदर्शनको पहिलो दिन धेरै आयोजकहरू थिए। तिनीहरूमध्ये केही एनजीओसँग सम्बन्धित थिए। स्वयंसेवकको रूपमा देखा परेको गैरसरकारी संस्था हमी नेपालले युथ अगेन्स्ट करप्सन नामक विवाद सर्भर पनि सुरु गरेको थियो, जहाँ प्रधानमन्त्रीको लागि मतदान भएको थियो। हमी नेपालका सुडान गुरुङ जनरल जेडको प्रतिनिधिको रूपमा प्रमुख अनुहार थिए, यद्यपि उनी ३५ वर्षभन्दा बढी उमेरका छन्। एनजीओसँग सम्बन्धित धेरै अन्य व्यक्तिहरू पनि नेताको रूपमा देखा परेका छन्। एनजीओ र आईएनजीओ कार्यकर्ताहरूको उपस्थितिमा सम्झौताहरू भएका छन् र तिनीहरूमध्ये धेरै मन्त्री पनि बनेका छन्।

राजनीतिक नियन्त्रण: २००६ मा, शान्ति प्रक्रिया त्रुटिपूर्ण भए पनि, राजनीतिक मामिलामा हाम्रो एजेन्सी छ भन्ने भावना थियो। राजनीतिक दलहरू र नेताहरू, उनीहरूको भ्रष्टाचारको बाबजुद, मतदानबाट बाहिर निकाल्न सकिन्छ। अब, त्यो च्यानल पनि भाँचिएको देखिन्छ। एनजीओ र आईएनजीओहरू संवैधानिक प्रावधानहरू बाहिर छन् र तिनीहरूलाई जवाफदेही बनाउन कुनै उचित कानूनहरू छैनन्। एनजीओ र आईएनजीओहरूलाई राजनीति गर्न औपचारिक रूपमा निषेध गरिएको छ। यसबाहेक, हामी उनीहरूको कोष, विचार वा राजनीतिक प्रभाव कहाँबाट आउँछ भनेर पूर्ण रूपमा पत्ता लगाउन सक्दैनौं।

दाताका एजेन्डाहरूलाई समर्थन: लर्ड एक्सनले भनेका थिए, “शक्तिले भ्रष्ट बनाउँछ र निरपेक्ष शक्तिले पूर्ण रूपमा भ्रष्ट बनाउँछ।” नेपालमा सञ्चालित गैरसरकारी संस्थाहरू र अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय गैरसरकारी संस्थाहरूसँग अब निरपेक्ष शक्ति छ। आफ्नो प्रभावलाई नियन्त्रण गर्न लगभग केहि नभएकोले, तिनीहरूले बिाना कुनै छानबिन आफ्ना दाताहरूको पक्षमा काम गर्न सक्छन्। हामीले देखिसकेका छौँ कि तिनीहरूमध्ये केही कसरी संविधानभन्दा माथिका सम्झौताहरूमा हस्ताक्षर गर्न चाहन्छन्। विरोध भएपछि तिनीहरूले प्रस्तावित सम्झौताहरू फिर्ता लिए, तर यदि हामी होसियार भएनौं भने यस्ता मागहरू नियमित रूपमा आउन सक्छन्।

हामी किन अझ बढी सतर्क हुनुपर्छ

मैले धेरै युवाहरूलाई देखेको छु जसले भन्छन्, “हामीले यो अन्तरिम सरकारले गरिरहेको सबै कुराको किन जाँच गर्नुपर्छ? हामीले यसले लिने निर्णयहरूमा किन आँखा चिम्लँदैनौं? यसलाई छ महिनामा चुनाव गराउने जनादेश छ। यसलाई जे गर्नुपर्छ त्यो गर्न देऊ।”

म असहमत छु। किनभने :

  • २०६३ मा पुनर्स्थापित संसदले जनताको पूर्व माग बिना राजतन्त्र उन्मूलन र धर्मनिरपेक्षता अपनाउने प्रस्ताव पारित गर्‍यो। यदि हामीले सरकारको निर्णयबाट पछि हट्यौँ भने अप्रत्यासित घोषणाका कारण हामीले अझ गम्भीर अवस्थाको सामना गर्नुपर्ने हुन सक्छ।
  • २०६३ को क्रान्ति पछि कम्तीमा नियन्त्रणको भ्रम थियो। हामीसँग दलहरू थिए, चुनावहरू थिए, देखिने राजनीतिक चुनौतीहरू थिए। बन्द ढोका पछाडि सम्झौताहरू भए पनि साधारण मानिसहरूले महसुस गर्थे कि तिनीहरू प्रक्रियामा सहभागी थिए। २०२५ मा त्यो भ्रम पनि हराएको छ। जब “नयाँ अनुहारहरू” देखा पर्छन्, जब एनजीओ र आईएनजीओहरू मध्यस्थता गर्छन्, जब दाताहरू संलग्न हुन्छन्, जब संवैधानिक मान्यताहरू बाइपास हुन्छन्, हामी अरू कसैले यसलाई आकार दिइरहेको हेरिरहेका छौँ।
  • सबैभन्दा खराब परिणाम सामान्यीकरण हो: आवश्यकताको सिद्धान्त एक सहज उपकरण बन्छ । यदि गैरसरकारी संस्था/दाताको समर्थनमा बनेका अन्तरिम सरकारहरू आदर्शको रूपमा स्वीकार गरियो, यदि संवैधानिक आवश्यकताहरू र नागरिक मागहरू छलफलबाट हराउँछन् भने लोकतन्त्रको जग क्षय हुन्छ।

के गर्नुपर्छ ?

पारदर्शिताको माग राजनीतिक दलहरूबाट मात्र होइन, गैरसरकारी संस्था/आइएनजीओहरूबाट पनि हुनुपर्छ। हामीले उनीहरूलाई कसले पैसा दिन्छ, कुन तारहरू जोडिएका छन्, उनीहरूले कस्तो प्रभाव प्रयोग गर्छन् भनेर ट्र्याक गर्नुपर्छ।

संवैधानिक मान्यताहरूको कानुनी कार्यान्वयनलाई बलियो बनाउनुपर्छ। आवश्यकताको सिद्धान्त कानूनको शासनलाई बाइपास गर्ने सर्टकट बन्नु हुँदैन।
नागरिक जागरूकता बढ्नु आवश्यक छ, विशेष गरी शिक्षित व्यक्तिहरूमा। हामीले यो कुरा मनमा राख्नु पर्छ कि दाता-समर्थित नेताहरू कम भ्रष्ट हुँदैनन्, र विदेशी कोषको प्रभाव राम्रो हुँदैन।

संस्थागत सुधारहरूका लागि नेतृत्वको एक मात्र बाटो संवैधानिक वैधता मार्फत हो । नियामक संयन्त्रहरू वास्तविक काम गर्न र संसद, न्यायपालिका र स्थानीय शासनका सशक्त छन् भन्ने सुनिश्चित गर्नुपर्छ।

निष्कर्ष

मलाई लाग्छ कि हामीले हामीसँग भएको थोरै एजेन्सी पनि गुमाइसकेका छौँ। जेन जेडका प्रदर्शनकारीहरूले जवाफदेहिताको माग गरिरहेको देख्दा, उनीहरूमध्ये केही सम्झौताहरू भएका कोठाहरूमा सरेको देख्दा, संवैधानिक नियमहरू आफूखुशी चलाएको देख्दा मलाई लाग्छ कि नेपाल पूर्ण रूपमा ध्वस्त त भएको छैन तर तीव्र पतनको क्रममा छ। २०६३ को अवस्था किन फरक थियो भने हामीसँग अब नियन्त्रणको भ्रम पनि छैन। मलाई चिन्ता छ कि परिवर्तनको उत्सुकता र शान्ति कायम गर्ने चाहना गर्दा के परिवर्तन हुन्छ भन्नेतिर ध्यान नजान सक्ला।

मलाई लाग्छ, धेरै मानिसहरूलाई हाम्रो अवस्थाको बारेमा स्पष्ट महसुस हुनु जरुरी छ। र हुनसक्छ, सायद, त्यो स्पष्टताले हामीलाई अघि बढ्न, हाम्रो आवाज पुन: प्राप्त गर्न, र नेपालको सार्वभौमिकता केवल एक शब्द मात्रै नभएर हामीले महसुस गर्ने कुरा हो सुनिश्चित गर्न मद्दत गर्न सक्छ।

A symbolic image showing influence of NGOs and INGOs in Nepal

Nepal in the Grasp of NGOs and INGOs: Why We should be Vigilant

By

On September 23, 2025

In Opinion, Blogging

I am still trying to process the events of Bhadra 23 and 24 (September 8 and 9) that occurred in Nepal. The youth protest turning into massacre on the first day and the riots the next day have shaken me to the core. The appointment of the new interim prime minister brought some calm, but I think another storm is yet to arrive.

The politics after the end of the riots and clear involvement of NGOs and INGOs have made me feel like a ramite, a spectator, holding on at the edge of history. I see the moves being made: the protests, the promises, the backroom deals. And I feel powerless, even as I care deeply. I am also finding more people who are worried about Nepal’s future. What has happened in my country in the last two weeks shows how a well-meaning peaceful protest can turn violent and how sovereignty can slip quietly from the people’s grasp.

What We Know About the Protests

  1. Underlying cause of the protests
    • Politics benefitting a select few built tensions and frustrations. Lack of employment and better education due to political incompetence and interference drove out-migration among the youth.
    • Unhealthy and unpredictable coalitions among the political parties showed that they could do anything to hold on to power irrespective of the said ideologies.
    • Dominance of political parties in every institution of the country made them corrupt.
    • Political elites were immune to allegations of corruption, money laundering, and human trafficking.
    • The government was becoming increasingly arrogant and the riots in Tinkune on Chaitra 15, 2081 made it feel invincible.
  2. What triggered the protests
    • The government banned 26 social media platforms (Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram, YouTube, X, etc.) for failing to register under new digital service rules. This was justified under regulation of misinformation and foreign platforms. (Reuters)
    • For many young Nepalis (students, digital natives), social media is both livelihood and expression. The ban felt like censorship, but it also shone a spotlight on deeper discontents: corruption, lack of jobs, nepotism. (Reuters)
  3. What followed: build up, escalation and outcomes
    • Social media ban was not that strict. A simple DNS change or overlay could bypass it. The Prime Minister himself was posting on Facebook, allowing youths to call out the hypocrisy.
    • On TikTok, which was not banned as it complied with government regulations, “nepobaby” trend got viral. The display of wealth by political elites and their children increased the rage of youths.
    • A call for protests by Gen Z (currently 13 to 28 years old) on September 8 came up on Reddit and was boosted by posts made by Balen Shah, RSP, and Rabi Lamichhane.
    • The “Gen Z” protests, which began peacefully demanding transparency and accountability turned deadly as the protesters went into the parliament building. Early estimates noted at least 19 killed in clashes near parliament. (Reuters) Later, news came that more than fifty were killed and almost one thousand were injured that day.
    • The next day, protests escalated to an unprecedented level all over the country and forced Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli to resign.
    • Riots afterwards incinerated the parliament building, the executive palace (Singha Durbar), Supreme and district courts, Department of Roads, CIAA, and many other public and private properties.
    • Nepal Army, who allowed burning of public properties took charge of the state for some time and called protesters for talks.
    • Interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki (former Chief Justice) was chosen by a poll of about 7000 people on Discord. (Reuters)
    • The President appointed the new Prime Minister without mentioning any constitutional provision.
    • As negotiations started, the President, the to-be prime minister, the Chief of Army, and the representatives of the protesters held backroom discussions. The transparency originally demanded seemed to recede. Deals were made. Some protesters said they did not want to become politicians; yet they became part of making high-stakes decisions. (Reuters)
    • The interim government says elections will be held in March 2026. (Reuters)
  4. Constitutional and legal tension
    • Nepal’s Constitution (2015) has never imagined the absence of parliament and political parties. The situation now was that parliament had become dysfunctional, and no party could be trusted. The Constitution also has specific articles about how the government is formed (e.g., under Article 76) and about eligibility for high offices. There are provisions that limit who can serve, how ministers are appointed, and uphold rights like transparency, good governance, free speech. (Constitution of Nepal 2072 (2015))
    • The appointment of an interim Prime Minister who was not chosen under the usual partisan/House of Representatives route (Article 76). Also, the Constitution prohibits an ex-Chief Justice to hold an executive position (Article 132(2)). Appointment of former Chief Justice Sushila Karki as the Prime Minister raises questions about constitutional legitimacy. Although this has been defended by invoking the Doctrine of Necessity and the fact that the political parties were undermining the Constitution, writ petitions have already been put forth demanding interpretation by Constitutional bench. The registration has however been delayed by the lack of proper office for the Supreme Court.

Role of NGOs and INGOs in Nepal’s Protests and the Future

  • Organizers, volunteers, and leaders: There were several organizers on the first day of protests. Some of them were associated with NGOs. Hami Nepal, an NGO that showed up as volunteers had also started the discord server, Youth Against Corruption, where polls for the Prime Minister occurred. Sudan Gurung of Hami Nepal was the prominent face as a representative of Gen Z, although he is over 35 years old. Many others associated with NGOs have also showed up as leaders. Deals have been made in the presence of NGO and INGO activists and many of them even have become ministers.
  • Political control: In 2006, even though the peace process was flawed, there was a feeling that we had agency on political matters. Political parties and leaders, despite their corruption, could be voted out. Now, even that channel seems broken. NGOs and INGOs are outside constitutional provisions and there are no proper laws to hold them accountable. NGOs and INGOs are also formally prohibited to do politics. Moreover, we cannot fully trace where their funding, ideas, or political influence come from.
  • Upholding Donor Agendas: Lord Action said, “Power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely.” NGOs and INGOs operating in Nepal now have absolute power. With almost nothing to check their influence, they can work in favour of their donors without much scrutiny. We have already seen how some of them want to sign agreements that are above the Constitution. They retracted the proposed agreements after a backlash, but such demands may come up regularly if we are not careful.

Why we should be more vigilant

I have seen several youths who say, “Why should we scrutinize everything this interim government is doing? Why don’t we close eyes on decisions it is taking? It has a mandate for conducting elections in six months. Let it do what it has to do.”

I disagree. Here’s why:

  • In 2006, the restored parliament passed resolutions for abolishing monarchy and secularism without prior demands of the people. We may have to face a graver situation if we turn away from the government’s decisions.
  • After the revolution of 2006, the illusion of control existed. We had parties, elections, visible political stakes. Even if deals behind closed doors were made, ordinary people felt they were participants in the process. In 2025, the illusion has slipped. When the “new faces” emerge, when INGOs mediate, when donors are involved, when constitutional norms are bypassed, we are watching someone else shape it.
  • The worst result is normalization: if the Doctrine of Necessity becomes a recurring tool; if interim governments formed with NGO/donor backing become accepted as the norm; if constitutional requirements and citizen demands fade from discourse, then the foundation of democracy erodes.

What I Think Must Be Done

For me, seeing this, I believe:

  1. Transparency must be demanded, not only from political parties, but also from NGOs/INGOs. We should track who funds them, what strings are attached, what influence they exercise.
  2. Legal enforcement of constitutional norms must be strengthened. The Doctrine of Necessity must not become a shortcut to bypass rule of law.
  3. Citizen awareness needs to grow, especially among educated people. We must keep in mind that that donor-backed leaders are not necessarily less corrupt, and that foreign funding comes with influence.
  4. Institutional reforms must ensure that the only path to leadership is through constitutional legitimacy, that oversight mechanisms are real, that Parliament, judiciary, and local governance have teeth.

Conclusion

I feel we have lost whatever little agency we had. Watching Gen Z protesters demand accountability, seeing some of them move into rooms where deals are struck, noticing constitutional rules being stretched — it all tells me that Nepal is not fully collapsed, but it is certainly in a period of decline. The difference from 2006 is that we don’t even have the illusion of control anymore. I worry that in the eagerness for change, we may forget that how change happens matters as much as what change happens.

If this essay is shared, I hope it sparks more people to feel clear about our situation. And maybe, just maybe, that clarity can help us push back, reclaim our voice, and ensure that Nepal’s sovereignty is not just a word, but something we feel, something we steer.

जेन जी आन्दोलन र यसले ल्याएका प्रश्नहरू

By

On September 18, 2025

In नेपाली, Blogging, विचार

जेन जी आन्दोलनपछि यी कुराहरू अघिल्लो हप्ता एउटा मेलमा पठाएको थिएँ । ती कुराहरू र थपिएका कुराहरू (तारा चिन्ह (*) पछाडी) सहित यो तयार गरेको छु ।

१. सेप्टेम्बर ८ मा संसद भवन अगाडि प्रदर्शन गर्ने भन्ने कुरा सुरुमा आएको थियो । पछि निषेधित क्षेत्र हो भनेपछि माइतीघरमा सारे । तर त्यहाँबाट संसद भवनतिर कसले लग्यो ? शङ्कास्पद छ ।

२. संसद भवनमा प्रहरीले सजिलै छिर्न दियो । चैत १५ मा जसरी दुर्गा प्रसाईंलाई जोगाए, त्यसै गरि संसद भवनको वालमाथी चढ्नेलाई जोगाइएको छ । सुरुमा पुलिस डराएको जस्तो देखिन्छ तर एक हुल छिरेपछि फाएरिङ गरेर टाउको र छातिमा ताकेर गोली हानेर बच्चाहरूको समेत हत्या गरे । संसद भवन छिर्नेहरूलाई समाएर हिरासतमा राख्न सकिन्थ्यो होला, नरसंहार किन गरे ?

३. त्यस दिन र रात प्रहरीले जुन रबैया देखाए त्यसले जनतामा पीडा र आक्रोश थप्यो । प्रहरी भनेको हत्यारा हो भन्ने अवस्था हुन किन दिइयो ?

४. त्यस रात प्रधानमन्त्री र सञ्चारमन्त्रीले जे भने, त्यसले झनै आक्रोश बढायो । प्रधानमन्त्रीले राजीनामा दिएको भए वा कांग्रेसले सरकारको समर्थन फिर्ता लिएको भए आक्रोश अलि कम हुन्थ्यो कि ? तर राजीनामा दिएपछि सत्तामा प्रचण्ड आउने थिए । तीनजानाको म्युजिकल चेयरले वाक्क भएका हामीहरूको आक्रोश कम हुन्थ्यो जस्तो चैं लाग्दैन ।

५. भोलिपल्ट नेताहरूका घर टार्गेट गरेर आक्रमण गरेको हेर्दा खुशी लागेको थियो । यिनीहरूले अत्याचार त गरेकै हुन् । तर स्थिति नियन्त्रण बाहिर जान्छ कि भन्ने डर पनि लागेरहेको थियो ।

६. ओलीको राजीनामापछि अलि शान्त हुन्छ कि भनेको त झन् उग्र पो भयो । संसद भवनमा आगो लगाए, सिंहदरबार जलाए, सर्वोच्च अदालत जलाए, अदुअआ लगायत संवैधानिक आयोग र संघीय, प्रदेश, र स्थानीय तहाका सयौं भवनमा आगो लगाए, तोड्फोड गरे । तर यत्रो आगजनी र तोड्फोड हुँदा त्यहीँ सुरक्षाका लागि खटिने सेनाले किन रोकेन ? सेनाले आन्दोलनकारीलाई गोली हान्नुपरेको भए झनै विकराल स्थिति आउन सक्थ्यो भन्ने सुनेँ तर मलाई चित्त बुझेकै छैन । सेनाले सर्लक्कै छोडिदियो । बन्दुक मात्रै तेर्स्याएको भए पनि रोक्न सक्थ्यो कि जस्तो लाग्छ ।

७. यी घटनामा केही पार्टी, एन्जियो र नेताहरूका क्रियाकलाप एकदमै शङ्कास्पद छ :
क) जेन जीका नाममा दर्जनौं समूह सुरुको दिनमै देखिए । तर प्रायः सबैले यो सामूहिक नेतृत्व हो भनेका छन् । अर्थात्, स्पष्ट नेतृत्व र दिशा थिएन ।

ख) बालेनका गतिविधिहरू शङ्कास्पद छ्न् । युवाहरूलाई जानुस् हामी पछि छौँ भन्ने तर उनीहरूसँग प्रत्यक्ष संवाद नगर्ने उनले संसद विघटन, प्रधानसेनापतिसँग वार्ताजस्ता एजेन्डा सेट गरे फेसबुक पोस्ट मार्फत् मात्रै । उनलाई भोट दिएर जिताउने र धेरै काममा समर्थन गरेँ तर he is still a mysterious character. (*बालेन शहीदहरूको अन्त्येष्टिमा नगएपछि विरोधको स्वर बढेको छ । उनलाई पनि अब सहज हुनेछैन ।)

ग) रास्वपा र यसका नेताहरूका गतिविधि पनि एकदमै शंकास्पद छन् । सुरुमा गणेश कार्कीले यो आन्दोलन जेन जीको हो अरूहरू सहभागी नहुनुहोला भने । भोलिपल्ट उनी युट्युब मिडिया, फेसबुकतिर देखिए । किन गएको भन्दा जेनजीका काका पुस्ता पनि जानुपर्छ भन्न थाले । पार्टीको सहभागिता नहुने भनेर पार्टी र रविले पनि विज्ञप्ति निकालेका थिए तर व्यक्तिगत रूपमा गएको भन्नेहरू पनि थिए । २४ गते रवि लामिछाने फर्जी कागजात देखाएर निस्किए । चलानी नं. नभएको, हातले मिति सच्याएको, गतिलो लेटरहेड नभएको चिठीको आधारमा छुट्नु गलत थियो जस्तो लाग्छ । यो विषयमा तपाईंले अझै राम्ररी बुझाउन सक्नुहुन्छ जस्तो लाग्छ ।

घ) रास्वपाका सांसदहरू कहिले संसदको औचित्य रहेन भनेर राजीनामा दिन्छन्, कहिले संसद नै चाहिन्छ भन्छन् ।

ङ) माओवादीको संलग्नता तोड्फोडमा हुन सक्ने सम्भावना पनि देखिएको छ । राप्रपाका कार्यकर्ता पनि देखिएका छन् । लगभग सबै पार्टीहरूले नै अराजकता फैलाएको देखिन्छ ।

च) हामी नेपाल भन्ने संस्थाले सुरु गरेको डिस्कर्ड सर्भरमा पहिले को नेता हो भन्ने खुलाएको थिएन । तर पछि सुदन गुरुङको नाम अघि आयो । उनीहरू २३ गते पनि संस्थाको नाम भएको ज्याकेट लगाएरौ गएका थिए । अनि जेन जी भन्ने उमेर समूहभन्दा बुढै देखिन्छन् । राष्ट्रिय अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय संस्थाहरूसँग यो संस्थाको राम्रै कनेक्सन रैछ । हिजो बिहान एजेन्डा सेट गर्न पनि passive aggressive रूपमा लागेका थिए ।

च) हामी नेपालबाहेक अरू समूहहरू पनि छ्न् । तिनको नेतृत्वहरूको बारेमा पनि खासै थाहा छैन । Anonymous revolution V for Vendetta जस्तो फिल्महरूमा त राम्रै लाग्दो रैछ तर भोग्न अफ्ट्यारो ।

८. प्रधानसेनापतिसँग छलफल गर्नुपर्ने हुन सक्छ भनेर बालेनले भनेपछि साँझ प्रधानसेनापतिले सम्बोधन गरे । राष्ट्रपति हुँदाहुँदै प्रधानसेनापति बोल्न मिल्ने हो र ? अनि प्रधानसेनापतिले बोलेपछि सैनिक शासन सुरु भएको भन्न मिल्ला कि नमिल्ला । अन्तरिम नै भए पनि सैनिक शासन चलिरहेको छ । सिधै सैनिक शासन भन्दा पनि अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय शक्तिहरू आउलान् जस्तो लागेको छ । तर सेनामाथि पनि पूरै विश्वास गर्ने अवस्था छैन । तपाईंको पोस्टले पनि त्यस्तै सङ्केत गरेको छ ।

९. संविधानले संसद र दल नभएको अवस्था परिकल्पना नगरेकोले संवैधानिक रिक्तता देखिएको छ । निकास भनेको कि त संविधान संशोधन कि त संविधान खारेजी होला जस्तो लाग्छ । युवा पुस्ताले मात्रै यस्तो निर्णय गर्नु एकदमै घातक हुन सक्छ । काङ्ग्रेस र एमालेका नेताहरू छँदै छन् । ग्रासरुटमा पनि उनीहरूको पकड छँदै छ अहिले अलि खुम्चिएका भए पनि । यस्तोमा अर्को द्वन्द्व निस्किने सम्भावना देख्छु ।

*१०. भदौ २८ को साँझ पूर्व प्रधानन्यायाधीस सुशीला कार्कीलई प्रधानमन्त्रीको सिफारिस र सम्मतिमा राष्ट्रपतिद्वारा प्रधानमन्त्री नियुक्त गरियो । आवश्यकताको सिद्धानत भन्दै यो संविधान र संविधानवाद विपरीत कामलई राजनीतिक वैधता दिइयो । यसले भविस्यमा थप जटिलता ल्याउने सम्भावना धेरै छ । स्वतन्त्र तिब्बत अभियान पार्टनर रहेको हामी नेपालको संलग्नता, दलाई लामाको शुभकामना सन्देश जस्ता कुराहरूले भूराजनीतिक जटिलता बढाउने निश्चित छ ।

*११. आन्दोलनकारीका प्रतिनिधिहरूले राष्ट्रपतिसँग कुनै लिखित सम्झौता गरेनन् तर अहिले गर्न खोज्दैछन् । त्यसमा सम्झौतालाई संविधानलाई माथि राख्ने कुरा थियो तर पछि सामाजिक सञ्जालबाट हटाए । द्वन्द्व अझै बढ्ने सम्भावना देखिन्छ ।

*१२. पारदर्शिता र जवाफदेहिता मागेर गरिएको आन्दोलनका सम्झौताहरू बन्द कोठामा भइरहेका छन् । किन ? बुझ्न सकेको छैन ।

मनमा आएका धेरै कुरा लेखेँ । अझै पनि केही कुरा बाँकी नै छ्न् कि जस्तो भइरहेको छ । डर र संशयहरू छन् । कसैलाई विश्वास गर्न नसक्ने कस्तो व्यवस्था, समाज, अनि राजनीती बनेको रैछ भनेर चिन्ता लागेको छ । यस्तो अवस्थामा भविस्य कस्तो होला भन्ने चिन्ता पनि छ । आततायी शासकको हठ र विभिन्न तत्त्वहरूको खेलले कस्तो भयावह परिणाम ल्याउने रैछ भनेर पीर पनि परेको छ ।

Poster for Gen Z protest against corruption and social media ban

Nepal’s Gen Z is protesting corruption in the aftermath of ridiculous social media ban

By

On September 8, 2025

In Blogging

On September 5, Nepal government banned 26 “social media”, including Facebook, X, and YouTube citing a decision from the Supreme Court to make laws regarding social media and implementing a directive (not a full law). Gen Z, which has been following politics closely, despite them being labelled as “keyboard warriors”, “screen junkies”, and “immature”, has taken a lead and is coming up in the streets today.

The government’s reasoning behind the social media ban

The government has been insisting that the social media companies of foreign origin have been earning from Nepal and haven’t paid any taxes. They should register in Nepal and set up an office. They should place employees who monitor content created in Nepal and moderate the content and creator behaviour, including anonymity and posts and comments against the government.

Nepal, however, does not have a proper law for social media regulation. The bill is still under discussion in the parliament. A couple of years ago, the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology (MoCIT) had issued a directive to regulate social media based on the Electronic Transaction Act, 2006. Most companies did not comply with the directive. After all, directives are often used for exceutive procedures.

TikTok, Viber, and three companies, however, came up for registration under the directive after the TikTok ban. That’s what encouraged the government to implement the ban.

Hidden motives behind the social media ban

There are lies and hidden motives behind the social media ban.

First, the government is lying that social media like Facebook and YouTube aren’t paying taxes. Although they have not been paying income taxes because they don’t have offices in Nepal, they have been paying taxes (see: 20 companies including TikTok and Netflix start paying taxes to Nepal and From Google to Meta, paid for in Nepal 41 crore tax).

Second, the government, its coalition parties, and politicians face a huge amount of criticism on social media. At times, the criticisms become hateful and threatening as well. In such cases, individuals have to be sorted out and brought to justice, but the government is hellbent on banning everybody.

When the government banned PUBG in 2019, I had a hunch that the government could ban social media. The TikTok ban of last year also proved that they could do anything. Media regulation is a central conflict in my story Swatantrata Sangram as well. However, I had only half-expected the current ban. American companies were involved, and given the way the American government protects its companies and free speech, I had not expected Nepal to implement the ban. The government did it, however, because it could.

The government has been showing authoritative tendencies for some time now. It doesn’t listen to dissent and even kills those who protest it. The trauma might have silenced many, but the rage is brewing.

Gen Z reacts

Gen Z is the generation that has seen the internet since its birth. It roughly includes those born between 1997 and 2012. (Some include those from 1995 to early 2010s.) Based on various definitions, I am sometimes Gen Z, sometimes not. And I believe the definitions of generations are arbitrary and artificial. But these are the youth, mostly in their teens and 20s filled with enthusiasm, self-respect, love for freedom, and advocacy for work-life balance. They are smart and know their worth.

They have dodged the ban. PUBG ban could not stop them, neither did the Tiktok ban. They won’t stop now either. They started the “nepo baby” trend on Tiktok inspired by the Philippines and Indonesia. Despite the “ban”, they are discussing the course of action on Facebook, Reddit, Discord and X. They are truly unstoppable when it comes to the worldwide web. How they will do in the streets is yet to be seen.

The generation gap

But the government is disconnected from Gen Z. These “little babies”, the politicians often say, are incapable of understanding the world beyond social media. They believe that they don’t know politics and flee from responsibilities. They are so wrong about Gen Z.

Yes, many Gen Z youth are not involved in politics, are leaving Nepal, and seem to mind their own business. It’s not because they don’t understand politics. They understand it well enough not to indulge in something that has been polluted by corruption, nepotism, and favouritism. They understand that Nepal often does not recognise their worth and talent. Most of them still hope that Nepal will become better if corruption and the corrupted are punished.

If Gen Z have been disillusioned by the acts of politicians and corrupt bureaucrats, who is to be blamed? Blaming a generation in its formative years is ridiculous. Mocking their rage is stupid. Now they have decided to get involved in politics. They are the leaders. They are the future. I’m hopeful they will show what leadership should be.

ITP Awareness Month banner by PDSA.

Supporting ITP Awareness Month

By

On September 4, 2025

In Blogging

#Caution: This is a blog based on personal/familial experiences and meant only to make readers aware about ITP (Immune Thrombocytopenic Purpura) on the occasion of ITP Awareness Month. It does not include medical advice or prescription.

ITP Awareness Month banner by PDSA.

September is the ITP Awareness Month organized by the Platelets Disorder Support Association (PDSA). This ITP Awareness Month focuses on raising awareness about ITP in local communities and connect ITP patients and caregivers, as well as healthcare professionals and pharmaceuticals. As my sister has chronic ITP, I have written this post to support the ITP Awareness Month and for awareness about ITP.

What is ITP?

ITP or Immune Thrombocytopenic Purpura is a blood disorder where the blood platelets are lower than usual. The normal platelet count is 150,000 to 450,000 platelets per microliter (mcL). Since platelets are involved in blood clotting, low platelets can result in bruising and excessive bleeding.

What are the types of ITP?

ITP can be of two types:

Acute ITP

This is the most common type of ITP that can occur at any age, although it is found mostly among children. It is a sudden onset during pregnancy or a viral disease such as chicken pox and dengue. Acute ITP usually goes away in a few weeks, and medication may not be required.

Chronic ITP

Chronic ITP is rarer than its acute variant and can occur from any age, even though it is more common in adults. It can last for over six months to decades, and sometimes, lifetime. Chronic ITP patients require constant medical care, and may require regular medication.

What causes ITP?

ITP is caused by the immune system attacking the platelets mistaking it for a foreign object like virus. Such a disorder can be triggered by:

  • Medicines that may cause allergic reaction against platelets
  • Viral infections such as chicken pox, dengue, HIV/AIDS, and Hepatitis C.
  • Immune disorders, such as rheumatoid arthritis and lupus
  • Low-grade lymphoma and leukaemia
  • Pregnancy

How to identify ITP?

Symptoms

ITP is often characterized by the following symptoms:

  • Easy bruising or purple areas on the skin called purpura caused by bleeding under the skin. Bruises may occur for no apparent reason. 
  • Tiny red dots (petechiae) caused by tiny bleeds.
  • Nosebleed
  • Bleeding in mouth, or in and around your gums
  • Feeling tired
  • Heavy menstrual flow
  • Blood in vomit, urine, or stool
  • Bleeding in the head/brain. A head injury for an ITP patient can be fatal.

Diagnosis

ITP is diagnosed through:

  • Complete blood count (CBC): This test checks the number of all the blood components: red blood cells (RBCs), white blood cells (WBCs), and platelets in the blood. A patient with ITP often has normal RBC and WBC counts, but low platelet count, i.e. lower than 150,000 per mcL.
  • Peripheral blood smear: This test is a follow-up to an abnormal CBC. It checks different types of blood cells, in particular platelets for ITP.
  • Bone marrow tests: Bone marrow is where blood corpuscles form. Testing bone marrow identifies whether it is healthy and making enough platelets.

How is ITP treated?

Treatment of ITP includes the use of oral and intravenous steroids, antibodies, bone marrow boosters, or removal of spleen (splenectomy). Treatments often have different effects on different patients, some working effectively while others not showing any improvement at all.

Why is ITP Awareness Required?

PSDA is an organization established in Ohio, U.S., that frequently organizes programmes related to ITP Awareness. Patients of ITP and their caregivers often have to go through a lot of stress because they need constant care and monitoring. Also, in countries like the U.S. bruises brought about by ITP can be mistaken for domestic violence. Raising awareness about ITP among the public is necessary to encourage patients and make their care and treatment hassle-free. It also makes communities and authorities more compassionate.

What happens during the ITP Awareness Month?

PSDA has the following announcements about the ITP Awareness Month:

  • September 1 to 21, the ITP Awareness Month: Encouraging people living with ITP to share their experiences on social media.
  • September 22 to 28, the Global ITP Awareness Week: Reaching out about ITP globally.
  • September 26th Sport Purple for Platelets! Day: Purple is the colour of sampler used to collect blood for platelet count. The purple ribbon in the image also symbolizes platelets. On this day, the PSDA urges everyone to wear purple to support the ITP awareness.

The activities are detailed here: Patient and Caregiver Toolkit ITP Awareness Month

An image showing an electric car and charging station. Behind are the hills. The image is symbolic of Nepal's EV revolution.

“Nepal’s EV revolution” is making impressive international headlines, but is it going to be sustainable?

By

On September 1, 2025

In Opinion, Blogging, essay

In July and August 2025, Nepal’s EV revolution got featured in The New York Times (NYT) and Bloomberg. I also linked the NYT article on my post on right to clean environment citing it as a silver lining in environment protection. The electric vehicle (EV) boom looks promising, but there are a few questions that still linger: Will EVs replace petroleum vehicles? Will the use of electricity reduce petroleum import? Will EVs be sustainable? Although I am an employee at a corporation that imports petroleum, and EV growth is a growing concern here, these are my personal opinions and I will try to be as objective as possible.

Problems with Nepal’s EV Revolution

Import-based revolution

The number of EVs in Nepal has increased significantly, the “revolution” is not home-grown. Vehicles have always been imported here, whether they are petroleum-fueled or electric.

We rely heavily on our southern neighbour, India for petrol and diesel vehicles, with competition on two-wheelers and light four-wheelers from Japanese, Korean, and European companies. The EV market has increased the trade northwards as China innovates and produces more EVs at cheaper price.

But the truth is, we are still importing. Our import-based economy is worsening our trade deficit with both our neighbours, and in absence of research, development, and production in we are surely going to face problems in upscaling Nepal’s EV revolution.

Inadequate Electricity

Although Nepal the installed capacity of hydropower has increased in the recent years and Nepal has also increased, the demand is also increasing. We are also importing electricity from India in seasons when our production is low. We are facing deficit in the electricity trade as well. With increasing domestic demand and consumption, amplifed by the EV boom, more hydropower projects should be completed and operated.

EVs are not enough to reduce petroleum import

According to a news on Republica based on data from the Customs Department, EVs haven’t been able to reduce petroleum import. Although cars and scooters are becoming increasingly electric, motorcycles are still petrol-fueled. Similarly, heavy vehicles like buses, trucks, and tankers are mostly powered by diesel. Moreover, agricultural equipment like tractors, tillers, threshers, and mills usually on diesel. Whereas China has already produced mining electric trucks, Nepal’s EV revolution is yet to reach penetrate the heavy vehicle market.

EV subsidies may not be sustainable

Nepal has subsidised the import of EV over vehicles that consume fossil fuels. This has an impact on the customs taxes the country obtains. Debates on favour and against the subsidies have surfaced regularly. If Nepal waives off the concessions, the sales of EV could even decline.

Lack of policies on recycle and disposal of batteries

Nepal lacks policies regarding battery recycle and disposal. This has led to confusion regarding what will happen when the batteries of EVs die. The policies need to address the concerns of the vehicle owners as well as the environmental issues brought about by EV batteries.

Clean environment at consumer’s end

One of the biggest issues with EV worldwide is that the clean environment and zero emission is only possible at the consumer’s end. Manufacturing of vehicles still exploits natural resources. Moreover, batteries and chips used in EVs use rare elements, whose mining is exploitative and hazardous.

Cyber security

With EVs becoming increasingly used, their navigation and control systems can be at risk of being intervened by hackers. Nepal needs to upgrade its policies and infrastructures to tackle the challenges posed by data breach and other cybercrimes involving EVs.

Positives of Nepal’s EV Revolution

Energy Independence

After Nepal suffered an undeclared economic blockade from India in 2015, there is a growing concern to at least curb the use of petroleum products, which are exclusively imported from the southern neighbour. Although that goal hasn’t been achieved yet, Nepal is moving towards energy independence. Use of EVs consumes the home-produced hydroelectricity, circulating at least some money within the country.

Cleaner environment

Since Nepal is basically a consumer of EVs, pollution is minimized. EV boom in Nepal is expected to reduce smog which has been quite hazardous in cities like Kathmandu. Nepal should, however, raise voice against exploitation and environmental pollution caused by mining for rare earth metals and other minerals.

Champion for climate change policies

Nepal, as a developing Himalayan nation, has to pay heavy price for ill effects of climate change despite contributing very little to it. Nepal’s EV revolution is a statement against climate injustice and a strong advocacy for reducing the use of fossil fuel and net zero emission. The title of Bloomberg’s article itself shows appreciation of Nepal’s shift towards EV compared to majority of the West.

For smooth running of EVs, Nepal needs charging stations at regular intervals in highways. NEA has built over 60 chargimg stations on its own and has also allowed private charging stations for promoting EV use.

EVs are also suitable for smooth roads in proper urban settings. Such a requirement can help improve roads and carry on proper urbanization plans in all the parts of the country. Linking EV revolution with infrastructures can lead to sustainable developement.

The Way Forward

Nepal’s EV revolution is promising for energy independence and promoting climate initiatives. It may also lead to better infrastructures. However, the import-heavy trade is unsustainable. If we can promote development and production of our own EVs suitable to our needs, we can be more sustainable. The government should also come up with policies immediately for proper disposal and recycling of batteries for EVs.

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