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An image showing inequalities in different steps despite equality before the law

Does True Equality Exist in Nepal?

Constitution Study #7: A Deep Dive into Article 18 and the Struggle for Real Equality

Aspirations of equality—the state of having equal status and opportunities—inspired a decade-long armed revolution from 1996 to 2006. The civil war promised to end inequalities brought about by systematic and social discrimination, nominal decentralisation, and the lack of fair political and economic opportunities. Yet biases and persecution based on gender, caste, religion, and economic class persist.

Are we really equal? What does the Constitution of Nepal say? What is happening in practice? If the constitution guarantees equality before the law, why do inequalities remain?

1. Article 18: The Promise of Equality

Article 18 of the Constitution of Nepal guarantees the Right to Equality:

(1) All citizens shall be equal before law. No one shall be denied the equal protection of law.

This provision aligns with the Right to Live with Dignity (Article 16), which we discussed previously.

Article 18 further asserts:

(2) No discrimination shall be made in the application of general laws on grounds of origin, religion, race, caste, tribe, sex, physical condition, disability, condition of health, marital status, pregnancy, economic condition, language or
region, ideological conviction or on similar other grounds.

(3) The State shall not discriminate among citizens on grounds of origin, religion, race, caste, tribe, sex, economic condition, language, region, ideological conviction or on similar other grounds.

The prevention of discrimination is further reinforced through Article 24. It bans discrimination and untouchability in any private and public places, including workplace, production and distribution of goods, services, and facilities, and even criminalises such actions.

This does not, however, prevent the State from making special legal provisions for the protection and empowerment of groups facing historical or structural disadvantages—such as women, Dalits, indigenous nationalities, Madhesi, Tharu, Muslims, persons with disabilities, backward regions, gender minorities, and even indigent Khas Arya.

Such special provisions, enshrined in the Article 18 (3) reappear in the rights of women (Art. 38), children (Art. 39), Dalits (Art. 40), senior citizens (Art. 41), the Right to Social Justice (Art. 42), and the Right to Social Security (Art. 43), proportional representation in the parliament, and allocation of spots for a woman and a Dalit woman in the Wards of Local Bodies.

Article 18 also eliminates gender discrimination stating:

(4) No discrimination shall be made on the ground of gender with regard to remuneration and social security for the same work.

(5) All offspring shall have the equal right to the ancestral property without discrimination on the ground of gender.

These provisions on paper form a robust framework for equality. But the deeper question remains: Are they honoured in practice, or are they simply constitutional aspirations still out of reach for many Nepalis?

2. Is Equality Only on Paper?

Despite the lofty promises of Article 18, Nepal continues to grapple with structural inequalities that prevent its citizens from enjoying real equality before the law. These constitutional guarantees are often undercut by the lived reality of systemic bias, social discrimination, and uneven access to justice.

The Constitution also upholds the Right to Justice under Article 20, which guarantees:

“Every person shall have the right to a fair trial by an independent, impartial and competent court…”

Yet, elites accused of corruption or abuse of power often receive lenient treatment—or see cases against them delayed indefinitely or dismissed. Meanwhile, ordinary citizens endure prolonged trials and harsher punishments even for minor violation or dissent.

This selective application of justice creates a double standard: one law, two treatments.

2.2 Discrimination and Unequal Access

Even though Article 24 criminalizes caste-based discrimination and Article 18 bars prejudice based on identity or economic status, violations are still widespread.

Recent Findings

According to the Economic Survey 2081-82:

  • Dalits and disadvantaged communities continue to lag in education, employment, and political representation.
  • While human development indicators have improved overall (reaching 0.622), inequality persists across provinces. For instance:
    • Gandaki leads in economic growth (5.51%), while Sudurpashchim remains lowest (3.32%).
    • Local budgets and access to services are unevenly distributed, with underfunding common in backward and remote areas.

These disparities mean that geographic location and birth identity still largely determine one’s opportunities—a clear breach of Article 18(3).

2.3 Gender and Economic Inequality

Article 18(4) and (5) aim to eradicate gender-based inequality in pay and inheritance. Yet:

  • Women and gender minorities remain underrepresented in decision-making roles.
  • A wage gap persists in many sectors.
  • Marginalized groups have limited access to land ownership, formal banking, and education—despite state-backed affirmative policies.

2.4 Public Perception and Trust Deficit

The 16th Plan of Nepal underscores “inclusive development,” but does not shy away from admitting that trust in public institutions has eroded due to inequality, corruption, and lack of responsiveness.

When citizens do not feel protected by the law or adequately represented in governance, the very legitimacy of the constitutional state is called into question.

3. Why Inequality Persists Despite the Constitution

Nepal’s Constitution boldly enshrines the ideals of equality (Article 18) and justice (Article 20), but these promises often fail to materialize in the lived experiences of many citizens. Why? The persistence of inequality in Nepal can be traced to a combination of historical exclusion, weak institutions, and socio-political inertia.

3.1 Historical and Cultural Legacy

Nepal’s social fabric has long been shaped by entrenched hierarchies—most notably caste, ethnicity, and patriarchy. Though untouchability is criminalized under Article 24, many Dalits and Janajatis still face discrimination in daily life, from public spaces to religious institutions. The state itself historically favoured the Khas-Arya male elite, creating structural inequality in education, employment, and political access.

3.2 Weak Implementation of Progressive Laws

Nepal has one of the most progressive constitutions in South Asia, yet implementation lags behind:

  • Police and local authorities often fail to register complaints of discrimination or violence, especially when victims belong to marginalized groups.
  • Judiciary remains under-resourced and male-dominated, with only 3% women in judicial positions (Economic Survey 2081-82).
  • Many local governments still lack capacity or willingness to enforce inclusion measures.

3.3 Skewed Economic Structure

Economic power remains concentrated among dominant groups:

  • Dalits, Muslims, and gender minorities are overrepresented in informal, low-paying, and insecure work.
  • Access to land, credit, and formal employment remains heavily skewed.
  • While poverty rates have declined nationally, multidimensional poverty remains high in Karnali (39.5%) and Madhesh (16th Plan), reflecting deeply rooted economic exclusion.

3.4 Structural Barriers in Education and Representation

  • Disparities in school infrastructure, teacher quality, and language of instruction disproportionately affect Dalit, Madhesi, and rural students.
  • Despite constitutional quotas, marginalized communities remain underrepresented in key decision-making roles, particularly in the bureaucracy and judiciary.
  • Symbolic representation has often replaced meaningful power-sharing, resulting in tokenism rather than transformation.

3.5 Political Tokenism and Elite Capture

  • Political parties routinely use identity-based candidates to attract votes, but rarely empower them to challenge entrenched systems.
  • Inclusion measures are often co-opted by elites of marginalized groups, who benefit personally but fail to advance their communities’ interests.
  • Affirmative action lacks proper monitoring, data, and enforcement, allowing loopholes and misuse.

3.6 Planning Without Accountability

Even national development plans recognize the gap between vision and reality:

“There is a lack of disaggregated and reliable data for effective targeting,”
16th Plan, Government of Nepal

This means policies are often misdirected or fail to reach those who need them most. Coordination between federal, provincial, and local governments also remains weak, limiting impact on ground.

4. The Unfinished Revolution

Today, on the Day of the Elimination of Caste Discrimination and Untouchability, Nepal must reflect honestly. The war may be over, but the revolution is unfinished. If the state cannot deliver on its promise of equality and justice, the credibility of the entire constitutional framework risks being hollowed out.

Equality before the law should not depend on wealth, power, or identity. It must be lived reality—not just constitutional poetry.

5. A Call for Constitutional Realization

The gap between constitutional ideals and social reality is stark. When equality before law becomes a privilege rather than a right, and justice is contingent upon status, the foundation of democracy is eroded. Upholding Articles 18 and 20 requires not only legal reforms but structural change, public accountability, and genuine political will.

Nepal must move beyond symbolic guarantees to substantive equality and justice—only then can it truly call itself a republic of the people.

An image showing how Nepalis are struggling to live with dignity

Are We Nepali Living With Dignity?

Constitution Study #5: A look at the Article 16 (Right to Life of Dignity) of the Constitution of Nepal

An old man died in front of his district’s administration office. He was hoping to apply for the National Identity (NID) Card. His old citizenship was obsolete because of a new law, and without the NID, he could not receive his social security payment. The government stayed indifferent. Hundreds of people like him die every day — not just from disease or disaster, but from neglect.

People are dying not only in Nepal but also beyond the borders. Everyday thousands of Nepalese migrate out of the country to foreign lands for education and employment. Consultancies and “manpower” companies often exploit them. Employers abuse them. Customs officers hassle them upon their return. Some come back in coffins. Students who reach top universities and discover a hefty source of income apply for permanent residence (PR) and rarely return.

“We can’t live a respectful life in Nepal,” they say.

Some youths do return with fresh visions of developing their locality and, in turn, the country. What they face is a series of bureaucratic hurdles, ridicule, and demands for bribes. They return abroad again, dejected, frustrated, and disillusioned.

Mounting frustration does not always lead the youth to flight. It sometimes erupts into protests against the government. From Tikapur to Tinkune, the government’s response to protests has been brutal and increasingly violent. In Tinkune, two unarmed persons died, and more than twenty were injured. The government swept the case under the rug despite evidence from videos and eyewitness accounts of provocation from the police force. The government had set up an independent commission to investigate the Tikapur incident. For Tinkune, it refused to even do so.

These are not isolated incidents. They are the daily realities of Nepalese citizens. And so we must ask:

If we are struggling just to be heard, to be fed, to be treated with respect — are we truly living with dignity?

What does Article 16 say?

The Constitution of Nepal, in Article 16, guarantees the Right to Live with Dignity:

(1) Every person shall have the right to live with dignity.
(2) No law shall be made providing for the death penalty to anyone.

Clause (1) may appear simple, but it carries profound meaning. It establishes that the life of a person is not just to be preserved, but to be valued. Each person should be treated as themselves, never as a burden, a tool, or an expendable number.

In other words, the right to life with dignity implies:

  • Not just living, but living well
  • Not just surviving, but thriving
  • Not just being allowed to exist, but being recognized as a full human being

This right is foundational. It acts as the core from which all other rights emerge. We cannot enjoy the right to education, health, or expression meaningfully if our life lacks dignity. A poor child turned away from a hospital, a widow waiting endlessly for her pension, or a student afraid to protest — all these stories point to failures of dignity.

The second clause of Article 16 bans the death penalty and further reinforces this idea. It reflects Nepal’s constitutional commitment to the sanctity of life, even in the face of crime or dissent. No matter a person’s status or offence, the state has no right to strip away their basic humanity.

In addition, other constitutional rights directly support and expand the meaning of dignified life:

  • Right to freedom (Art. 17) protects dignity through voice, expression, and assembly
  • Right to equality (Art. 18) affirms that all people must be treated fairly
  • Right against torture (Art. 22) prevents inhumane or degrading treatment
  • Right to health, education, food, and housing (Arts. 31–37) ensure minimum conditions of well-being

Moreover, the Constitution envisions Nepal as a socialist-oriented state (Art. 4 and Directive Principles), meaning that the state must proactively create conditions in which citizens can lead dignified lives, not just wait passively for development.

And yet, despite these powerful promises, the question remains: are they lived realities?

How is the Right to Live with Dignity Systemically Denied?

While Article 16 promises dignity, Nepal’s state institutions and policies often fail to uphold that promise. The denial isn’t always loud — it often hides behind silence, delays, and inaction. When we step back from individual stories, we see a disturbing pattern of systemic failure:

1. Dignity is Treated as Charity, Not a Right

Citizens have to beg for what government should provide without question — documents, subsidies, compensation, and justice. Those suffering from disasters do not get relief because they are in need, but because they are vote banks.

2. Rights Exist on Paper, Not in Practice

From national ID systems to legal aid, Nepal’s institutions are filled with well-worded frameworks, but little enforcement, little accessibility, and less accountability. Dignity becomes conditional on location, literacy, connection, or compliance.

3. State Responses Prioritize Order Over Humanity

Whether in protest zones or disaster zones, the government is quick to suppress “unrest,” but slow to provide relief, justice, or truth. Citizens are often treated as liabilities, not rights-bearers.

4. Silence is a Survival Strategy

Many citizens no longer believe that asserting their rights will lead to change. They stay silent, self-censor, or simply leave the country. This erosion of democratic hope is the most dangerous sign of dignity in decline.

This is how dignity dies — not with a law banning it, but with indifference, delay, and quiet fear.

What Does It Really Mean to Live with Dignity?

Living with dignity is not an abstract ideal. It is a lived condition — a state of being in which individuals are recognised as human, treated with respect, and empowered to lead lives of their own choosing.

Let’s break this down:

1. Freedom From Humiliation and Fear

To live with dignity means we are not degraded—not by the state, not by society, and not by poverty or violence. It is a respect we need when we are not shouted at in a public office, denied entry because of our caste, or afraid to speak our mind in a protest.

2. Access to Basic Needs and Equal Opportunities

Dignity requires that life is supported with the basics: food, water, shelter, education, and healthcare. But it also goes beyond survival. It means we have a fair chance to pursue opportunities, to study, to work, to create, and to contribute.

3. Participation in Society and the State

A dignified life is one where we can raise our voice, vote without coercion, question leaders, and organize with others — without intervention or punishment. Dignity means we are not subjects, but citizens.

4. Respect for One’s Identity, Autonomy, and Death

It means our language, religion, gender, orientation, or background are not reasons for shame or punishment. It means we have control over us, our choices, and future. And yes, it also means a dignified death, not abandoned, anonymous, or caused by state violence or neglect.

5. Being Seen and Heard as Human

At its heart, dignity is about recognition. It is the acknowledgment that our life matters, that our pain is real, our dreams are valid, and our rights are not negotiable.

So, when a person is denied education because of their background, when a widow waits months for her social security, when a protester is gunned down and forgotten, it is not just a policy failure. It is a violation of their dignity.

What Needs to Change?

If the Right to Live with Dignity is to be more than a symbolic line in the Constitution, Nepal must undergo not just policy reforms, but a moral and institutional transformation. Dignity must become a guiding principle of governance, not an afterthought.

Here are five urgent and necessary shifts:

1. Make Dignity Measurable

We cannot protect what we do not track. Dignity must be translated into indicators and embedded into planning. This means:

  • Evaluating government performance using Human Development Index (HDI), Gender Development Index, access to justice, poverty, and inequality.
  • Publishing regular data on citizenship delays, protest violence, access to health and education.
  • Linking budget allocations to dignity-centered outcomes, not just economic growth.

2. Bring the State Closer to the People

The farther the state, the greater the indignity. We need:

  • Decentralized, responsive, and accountable local governments.
  • Local administrators trained not just in law, but in service, empathy, and anti-discrimination.
  • Bureaucracies that serve citizens, not obstruct them.

3. Ensure Real Accountability for Violations

A system that fails to punish injustice enables it. That means:

  • Independent investigations into deaths during protests, police brutality, and administrative neglect.
  • Public reporting of progress on high-profile human rights violations.
  • Legal remedies for citizens denied services, justice, or recognition — including timely court responses.

4. Rebuild Trust in Public Institutions

Dignity also means believing that the system will protect us. To rebuild trust:

  • End impunity for corruption and discrimination.
  • Make public offices more accessible, transparent, and welcoming — especially for the elderly, poor, and marginalized.
  • Teach dignity, rights, and constitutional values in schools and bureaucratic training.

5. Make Dignity a National Conversation

We must stop treating dignity as a poetic idea and start treating it as a practical demand. This can be done through:

  • Media campaigns that highlight everyday indignities and constitutional promises.
  • Public discussions on what dignity means in politics, healthcare, policing, and development.
  • Empowering citizens — especially the youth — to ask the dignity question: “Does this policy, action, or institution treat people with dignity?”

Because dignity doesn’t descend from above. It rises when the people insist that their lives — and the lives of others — must matter.

Conclusion

Let’s ask this question once again: Are we Nepalis living with dignity?

The answer, if we’re honest, is: not yet.

We live in a country where dignity is promised in law but denied in life. A country where an old man dies outside a government office, where youth flee or fall silent, where protesters bleed and the powerful remain untouched. A country where rights are often transactional, and where systems are built not to uplift but to endure.

But this is not a condemnation — it is a call.

Dignity is not a privilege reserved for the few. It is the birthright of all. And when the Constitution speaks of dignity, it is not speaking only to the state. It is speaking to us, to every citizen who refuses to be invisible, who demands fairness, who insists that respect should not depend on status, wealth, or obedience.

If dignity is the soul of democracy, then it is time we resurrect that soul, in our streets, in our offices, in our homes, and in our hearts.

The Constitution gives us the right.
The struggle gives it meaning.

Let’s not wait to be granted dignity. Let’s build a country where it cannot be taken away.

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