Experiences of a common man!

Tag: Constitutionalism

An image showing inequalities in different steps despite equality before the law

Does True Equality Exist in Nepal?

Constitution Study #7: A Deep Dive into Article 18 and the Struggle for Real Equality

Aspirations of equality—the state of having equal status and opportunities—inspired a decade-long armed revolution from 1996 to 2006. The civil war promised to end inequalities brought about by systematic and social discrimination, nominal decentralisation, and the lack of fair political and economic opportunities. Yet biases and persecution based on gender, caste, religion, and economic class persist.

Are we really equal? What does the Constitution of Nepal say? What is happening in practice? If the constitution guarantees equality before the law, why do inequalities remain?

1. Article 18: The Promise of Equality

Article 18 of the Constitution of Nepal guarantees the Right to Equality:

(1) All citizens shall be equal before law. No one shall be denied the equal protection of law.

This provision aligns with the Right to Live with Dignity (Article 16), which we discussed previously.

Article 18 further asserts:

(2) No discrimination shall be made in the application of general laws on grounds of origin, religion, race, caste, tribe, sex, physical condition, disability, condition of health, marital status, pregnancy, economic condition, language or
region, ideological conviction or on similar other grounds.

(3) The State shall not discriminate among citizens on grounds of origin, religion, race, caste, tribe, sex, economic condition, language, region, ideological conviction or on similar other grounds.

The prevention of discrimination is further reinforced through Article 24. It bans discrimination and untouchability in any private and public places, including workplace, production and distribution of goods, services, and facilities, and even criminalises such actions.

This does not, however, prevent the State from making special legal provisions for the protection and empowerment of groups facing historical or structural disadvantages—such as women, Dalits, indigenous nationalities, Madhesi, Tharu, Muslims, persons with disabilities, backward regions, gender minorities, and even indigent Khas Arya.

Such special provisions, enshrined in the Article 18 (3) reappear in the rights of women (Art. 38), children (Art. 39), Dalits (Art. 40), senior citizens (Art. 41), the Right to Social Justice (Art. 42), and the Right to Social Security (Art. 43), proportional representation in the parliament, and allocation of spots for a woman and a Dalit woman in the Wards of Local Bodies.

Article 18 also eliminates gender discrimination stating:

(4) No discrimination shall be made on the ground of gender with regard to remuneration and social security for the same work.

(5) All offspring shall have the equal right to the ancestral property without discrimination on the ground of gender.

These provisions on paper form a robust framework for equality. But the deeper question remains: Are they honoured in practice, or are they simply constitutional aspirations still out of reach for many Nepalis?

2. Is Equality Only on Paper?

Despite the lofty promises of Article 18, Nepal continues to grapple with structural inequalities that prevent its citizens from enjoying real equality before the law. These constitutional guarantees are often undercut by the lived reality of systemic bias, social discrimination, and uneven access to justice.

The Constitution also upholds the Right to Justice under Article 20, which guarantees:

“Every person shall have the right to a fair trial by an independent, impartial and competent court…”

Yet, elites accused of corruption or abuse of power often receive lenient treatment—or see cases against them delayed indefinitely or dismissed. Meanwhile, ordinary citizens endure prolonged trials and harsher punishments even for minor violation or dissent.

This selective application of justice creates a double standard: one law, two treatments.

2.2 Discrimination and Unequal Access

Even though Article 24 criminalizes caste-based discrimination and Article 18 bars prejudice based on identity or economic status, violations are still widespread.

Recent Findings

According to the Economic Survey 2081-82:

  • Dalits and disadvantaged communities continue to lag in education, employment, and political representation.
  • While human development indicators have improved overall (reaching 0.622), inequality persists across provinces. For instance:
    • Gandaki leads in economic growth (5.51%), while Sudurpashchim remains lowest (3.32%).
    • Local budgets and access to services are unevenly distributed, with underfunding common in backward and remote areas.

These disparities mean that geographic location and birth identity still largely determine one’s opportunities—a clear breach of Article 18(3).

2.3 Gender and Economic Inequality

Article 18(4) and (5) aim to eradicate gender-based inequality in pay and inheritance. Yet:

  • Women and gender minorities remain underrepresented in decision-making roles.
  • A wage gap persists in many sectors.
  • Marginalized groups have limited access to land ownership, formal banking, and education—despite state-backed affirmative policies.

2.4 Public Perception and Trust Deficit

The 16th Plan of Nepal underscores “inclusive development,” but does not shy away from admitting that trust in public institutions has eroded due to inequality, corruption, and lack of responsiveness.

When citizens do not feel protected by the law or adequately represented in governance, the very legitimacy of the constitutional state is called into question.

3. Why Inequality Persists Despite the Constitution

Nepal’s Constitution boldly enshrines the ideals of equality (Article 18) and justice (Article 20), but these promises often fail to materialize in the lived experiences of many citizens. Why? The persistence of inequality in Nepal can be traced to a combination of historical exclusion, weak institutions, and socio-political inertia.

3.1 Historical and Cultural Legacy

Nepal’s social fabric has long been shaped by entrenched hierarchies—most notably caste, ethnicity, and patriarchy. Though untouchability is criminalized under Article 24, many Dalits and Janajatis still face discrimination in daily life, from public spaces to religious institutions. The state itself historically favoured the Khas-Arya male elite, creating structural inequality in education, employment, and political access.

3.2 Weak Implementation of Progressive Laws

Nepal has one of the most progressive constitutions in South Asia, yet implementation lags behind:

  • Police and local authorities often fail to register complaints of discrimination or violence, especially when victims belong to marginalized groups.
  • Judiciary remains under-resourced and male-dominated, with only 3% women in judicial positions (Economic Survey 2081-82).
  • Many local governments still lack capacity or willingness to enforce inclusion measures.

3.3 Skewed Economic Structure

Economic power remains concentrated among dominant groups:

  • Dalits, Muslims, and gender minorities are overrepresented in informal, low-paying, and insecure work.
  • Access to land, credit, and formal employment remains heavily skewed.
  • While poverty rates have declined nationally, multidimensional poverty remains high in Karnali (39.5%) and Madhesh (16th Plan), reflecting deeply rooted economic exclusion.

3.4 Structural Barriers in Education and Representation

  • Disparities in school infrastructure, teacher quality, and language of instruction disproportionately affect Dalit, Madhesi, and rural students.
  • Despite constitutional quotas, marginalized communities remain underrepresented in key decision-making roles, particularly in the bureaucracy and judiciary.
  • Symbolic representation has often replaced meaningful power-sharing, resulting in tokenism rather than transformation.

3.5 Political Tokenism and Elite Capture

  • Political parties routinely use identity-based candidates to attract votes, but rarely empower them to challenge entrenched systems.
  • Inclusion measures are often co-opted by elites of marginalized groups, who benefit personally but fail to advance their communities’ interests.
  • Affirmative action lacks proper monitoring, data, and enforcement, allowing loopholes and misuse.

3.6 Planning Without Accountability

Even national development plans recognize the gap between vision and reality:

“There is a lack of disaggregated and reliable data for effective targeting,”
16th Plan, Government of Nepal

This means policies are often misdirected or fail to reach those who need them most. Coordination between federal, provincial, and local governments also remains weak, limiting impact on ground.

4. The Unfinished Revolution

Today, on the Day of the Elimination of Caste Discrimination and Untouchability, Nepal must reflect honestly. The war may be over, but the revolution is unfinished. If the state cannot deliver on its promise of equality and justice, the credibility of the entire constitutional framework risks being hollowed out.

Equality before the law should not depend on wealth, power, or identity. It must be lived reality—not just constitutional poetry.

5. A Call for Constitutional Realization

The gap between constitutional ideals and social reality is stark. When equality before law becomes a privilege rather than a right, and justice is contingent upon status, the foundation of democracy is eroded. Upholding Articles 18 and 20 requires not only legal reforms but structural change, public accountability, and genuine political will.

Nepal must move beyond symbolic guarantees to substantive equality and justice—only then can it truly call itself a republic of the people.

Uprising in Nepal

Can Nepal Restore Monarchy?

Constitution Study #2: Reflections on Sovereignty, Monarchy, and Nepal’s Living Constitution

When I first set out to read the Constitution of Nepal in its entirety, I expected a legal document—dry, technical, full of jargon. What I encountered instead was a mirror, not just of law and governance, but of ourselves, our hopes, our betrayals, our fragilities. Somewhere along the journey, an unsettling question surfaced:

If the power of the State is vested in the Nepali people, and if they want to restore monarchy, would the Constitution still be valid? Can Nepal restore monarchy?

This question did not come in isolation. It arrived during a time of national anxiety. Pro-monarchist rallies were clashing with the government—voices rising from corners of frustration, nostalgia, and desperation. The very legitimacy of Nepal’s republicanism was being questioned on the streets.

Uprising in Nepal
A Protest in Nepal. Source: https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/nepal-can-democracy-recover-in-the-himalayan-nation

So, I asked. And I explored.

What the Constitution Says

Article 2 of the Constitution of Nepal lays out the provision for popular sovereignty:

“The sovereignty and State power of Nepal shall be vested in the Nepali people. It shall be exercised in accordance with the provisions set forth in this Constitution.”

This clause is both empowering and limiting. It declares that sovereignty lies with the people. But it must be exercised within the Constitution. This means constitutional sovereignty overrides popular sovereignty. And here lies the contradiction:

What happens when the people’s will itself wants to go beyond the current Constitution?

Can the Monarchy Be Reinstated?

Theoretically, yes. Practically, it’s a bit complicated. And yes, not without undoing the Constitution itself.

Nepal is currently a federal democratic republican state, as defined in Article 4(1). This identity is not decorative. It is woven into the Constitution’s foundation.

Reinstating the monarchy, may be possible through:

  • A two-thirds amendment in the Federal Parliament (Article 274),
  • A popular movement,
  • A referendum, or
  • A drafting of a new Constitution.

It’s not like we say, “We want the King back,” and poof! we get the King in an instant. It is a structural, existential shift. And it would legally nullify the current Constitution’s core.

What About the Constitution of 2047 (1990)?

The Constitution of 2047 (1990) was built upon constitutional monarchy. It was not perfect. It embodied a compromise between the king and the political parties after the Jana Andolan of 2046 (1990). Interestingly, even though the executive worked under the name of the king, it explicitly stated in Article 3:

“The sovereignty of Nepal is vested in the Nepalese people and shall be exercised in accordance with this constitution.”

Reinstating that Constitution would mean people still reigning supreme. However, the actions of king could not be challenged in court. He could declare an unfit heir, and people would have to accept him. He could choose anyone to head the Raj Parishad in his absence, undermining democratic representation. These provisions are both legally contradictory and philosophically paradoxical, which eventually resulted in extra-constitutional actions by the king, the political parties, and the reinstated parliament.

And yes, while the actions of the reinstated parliament bypassed formal legal channels, they were largely legitimized by the momentum of Jana Andolan II of (2063) 2006, a movement that many believed restored, rather than subverted, the people’s sovereignty.

But is it possible for Nepal to reinstate monarchy?

Maybe. The answer is in world history.

Cambodia’s Restoration: A Comparative LensIn exploring Nepal’s possible paths, I looked outward — to Cambodia.

  • In 1970, King Sihanouk was overthrown.
  • After a tragic chapter of genocide and communist rule, Cambodia returned to monarchy in 1993, not by reviving the old constitution, but by drafting a new one.
  • The new monarchy was symbolic, ceremonial, and constitutional. The real power remained with elected representatives.

Cambodia’s case shows us: Monarchy can return, but it must adapt to the times.

A Personal Reckoning

As I studied these questions of sovereignty, legitimacy, and revolution, the streets outside were turbulent. The clashes between monarchists and police, the chants for the crown, the counter-chants for the republic… they weren’t just noise.

They were echoes of something deeper: a broken trust.

The Constitution promises much: dignity, equality, justice. But the political system built atop it has failed too many, too often.
During those weeks, I saw not just a legal text, but a document under siege, not by mobs, but by neglect, by elite capture, by empty promises.

Where Do We Go From Here?

Theoretically, Nepal could become a monarchy again. But it would not be the same monarchy. Nor should it be.
Just as this republic must evolve or die, any future system must serve the people, not rule them.

As I often reminded myself:
A Constitution is not a crown. It is a contract.
It lives only if we believe in it, and act on it.

Final Thoughts

This journey left me emotionally raw, politically awakened, and intellectually humbled.

I don’t support monarchy. But I understand why some people now do. It is not because they all love the idea of kings. Maybe some do.
But it is mostly because they feel abandoned by the republic.

The Constitution of Nepal is still our greatest hope, but only if we make it real in the lives of the people it was meant to serve. Otherwise, it too will be remembered as yet another broken promise in the footnotes of history.

The Constitution of Nepal

My Journey Through the Constitution of Nepal: Lessons, Emotions, and Awakening

Constitution Study #1: Beginning of the Journey

I recently dove into the Constitution of Nepal, all 35 Parts and 308 Articles of it—can you believe it? What started as a simple goal to memorise some stuff turned into one of the most eye-opening experiences I’ve had. This wasn’t just about learning the law; it felt like I was uncovering a whole world of promises, power dynamics, and the real struggles of people. It was emotional and pretty profound!

Why I Began

My primary target was to rote the Constitution of Nepal for my Public Service Commission (PSC) exams using ChatGPT. I initially copy-pasted each article into ChatGPT so that I could listen to them later on. However, I soon realised that the AI could do more than regurgitate the words I fed it. I now wanted to understand the foundation of our republic. I had read articles and opinions, seen news coverage of constitutional crises, and heard political slogans that referenced the Constitution, and even read it in parts. But I knew that without reading it myself, I was relying on filtered, often distorted interpretations. I decided I needed to go to the source.

How I Read

Like I said in the previous section, I used ChatGPT to read the Constitution. I didn’t rush. I read part by part, often returning to previous sections to understand cross-references. ChatGPT turned into a thoughtful companion on this journey. I asked not only about what was written but also what was missing, what historical events shaped a clause, and how global norms compared. I paired my study with the Sixteenth Plan and the Economic Survey to see how constitutional ideals translated (or failed to translate) into real governance.

What I Discovered

  • A Tension Between Aspiration and Reality: The Constitution of Nepal is remarkably ambitious. It promises equality, social justice, federalism, inclusiveness, and participatory democracy. But in practice, many of these promises remain unfulfilled.
  • Political Will Matters Most: Even the best-drafted constitution is useless if those in power do not honour its spirit. The political system appears hijacked by a few, turning inclusive provisions into political bargains and decentralisation into control.
  • Rights Are Only as Strong as Our Vigilance: I began to see how fundamental rights, unless backed by accountability and access to justice, can become empty slogans.
  • The Constitution Is a Mirror: It reflects who we are, but also who we hope to be. Reading it forced me to reckon with my own expectations of the state and my role as a citizen.

Emotional Turns

1. Protests

I undertook this study primarily between February and April 2025. These months were not calm. During this period, political turmoil shook the streets: pro-monarchist groups clashed with government forces. Tear gas, barricades, and chants of “Raja aau, desh bachau” collided with the Constitution’s promise of federal republicanism. The death of Sabin Maharjan and Suresh Rajak on Chaitra 15 (March 28) disturbed me.

I remember reading Article 1, which declares Nepal a federal democratic republic, while watching live images of protesters waving the old royal flag. I remember the government violating human rights as I was studying about the Constitution’s promise of a life of dignity. The timing was surreal, as if the Constitution itself was being challenged just as I was beginning to grasp its meaning.

During my reading, I found myself emotionally torn between fear and hope. Would the Constitution survive this wave of anger? Was this a backlash against corruption or a romanticism of monarchy? Could people still believe in republicanism if republican leaders had failed them so deeply?

2. Gaps between text and implementation

Reading the Constitution was heartbreaking. Certain provisions promised dignity and justice to groups I know have suffered. Others, like emergency powers, revealed how fragile our freedoms can be under the wrong hands. I reflected on past political betrayals, unsolved transitional justice, public disillusionment, and even personal stories of injustice shared with me over the years. The gap between promise and practice hurt.

The gaps between the text and the reality made me more sceptical. The Consitution of Nepal is not one with consensus but compromise. There are many things that need to change. Is the change possible within the framework of the Constitution? I have serious doubts.

Yet hope remains.

If we, the people, become aware of what the Constitution has given us, we can create a better future. We have the roadmap; we need to trust it, build on it, and make necessary modifications as we move ahead.

What This Journey Taught Me

  • That a constitution is not just for lawyers or politicians. It is for every citizen.
  • That meaningful change requires informed citizens who hold institutions accountable.
  • That constitutional literacy is a form of empowerment.
  • That the document is not dead. It lives. It evolves. And it must be read and reread.

The Road Ahead

Though I have completed reading it once, my journey is far from over. I plan to revisit specific articles, track major Supreme Court interpretations, and explore comparative constitutional law. I want to continue connecting the text to the realities on the ground through economic reports, provincial plans, and citizen experiences.

A Call

To anyone who hasn’t read the Constitution of Nepal yet: start today. Don’t wait for a political crisis. Don’t assume it is too complex. Read it for your rights. Read it for your responsibilities. Read it because it belongs to you.

This journey changed me. It awakened me. And I hope, in some small way, this post will awaken others too.


If you ever want a companion to explore the Constitution with, I know one who helped me, tried answering all my queries, and never once grew tired.

Powered by WordPress & Theme by Anders Norén