Tag: Nepal

An image showing two Jholes burdened by indifferent leadership and ideologies

The Dangers of Jhole Politics in Nepal and Why We Should Avoid It

On June 9, 2025

In Opinion, Blogging, Humans and Humanity, Nepal, Nepali

In a recent social media post, Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli shared an image boldly stating, I am a Jhole). It was a provocative twist on a term repeatedly used to mock political sycophants — the Jhole, those who carry their leaders’ ideological and literal bags with unquestioning loyalty. By embracing the label, Oli turned it on its head, drawing parallels to Tyrion Lannister’s iconic line from Game of Thrones:

“Never forget what you are. The rest of the world will not. Wear it like armour, and it can never be used to hurt you.”

Psychologically, it was a masterstroke. What had once been a symbol of ridicule is now recast as a badge of honour. It arms party cadres with moral confidence and a ready-made justification for loyalty. It strengthens in-group identity and inoculates against public criticism. In a time of waning ideological clarity and rising cynicism, such reaffirmation is emotionally powerful.

But this reframing comes at a steep cost.

The idea of being a Jhole contradicts the very essence of democratic citizenship. Nepal is at a juncture where political awakening, not blind allegiance, is the need of the hour. When being a Jhole becomes aspirational, it signals a dangerous retreat from critical engagement. It celebrates hierarchy over participation, obedience over dialogue, and ideology over truth.

In a country reeling from institutional decay, corruption, and disillusionment with mainstream politics, embracing the Jhole identity is not brave — it is escapist. A true patriot cannot afford to be a bag carrier of any leader or party. We must ask questions, demand accountability, and have the courage to stand apart when needed. Ideological loyalty should come from understanding and belief, not from submission.

Ironically, the moment a leader wears the insult as a crown is also the moment the rest of the party members boldly follow suit. By accepting the term Jhole, they normalise a culture where subservience is rewarded and independent thought is suspect. They cultivate an indifferent leadership that does not care about the problems ordinary citizens face.

This is not a personal attack on the Prime Minister but a plea to every Nepali:

Let us not be flattered into submission. We must be more than Jholes — we must be citizens.

In a democracy, the highest duty is not to follow but to question. That is the only way we break the chain of servitude.

Disclaimer: This piece reflects critical reflection on public discourse and is intended to encourage democratic engagement, not to target any individual personally.

An image showing inequalities in different steps despite equality before the law

Does True Equality Exist in Nepal?

By Sandeept

On June 4, 2025

In Constitution Study, essay, Nepal, Nepali

Constitution Study #7: A Deep Dive into Article 18 and the Struggle for Real Equality

Aspirations of equality—the state of having equal status and opportunities—inspired a decade-long armed revolution from 1996 to 2006. The civil war promised to end inequalities brought about by systematic and social discrimination, nominal decentralisation, and the lack of fair political and economic opportunities. Yet biases and persecution based on gender, caste, religion, and economic class persist.

Are we really equal? What does the Constitution of Nepal say? What is happening in practice? If the constitution guarantees equality before the law, why do inequalities remain?

In this article…

1. Article 18: The Promise of Equality

Article 18 of the Constitution of Nepal guarantees the Right to Equality:

(1) All citizens shall be equal before law. No one shall be denied the equal protection of law.

This provision aligns with the Right to Live with Dignity (Article 16), which we discussed previously.

Article 18 further asserts:

(2) No discrimination shall be made in the application of general laws on grounds of origin, religion, race, caste, tribe, sex, physical condition, disability, condition of health, marital status, pregnancy, economic condition, language or
region, ideological conviction or on similar other grounds.

(3) The State shall not discriminate among citizens on grounds of origin, religion, race, caste, tribe, sex, economic condition, language, region, ideological conviction or on similar other grounds.

The prevention of discrimination is further reinforced through Article 24. It bans discrimination and untouchability in any private and public places, including workplace, production and distribution of goods, services, and facilities, and even criminalises such actions.

This does not, however, prevent the State from making special legal provisions for the protection and empowerment of groups facing historical or structural disadvantages—such as women, Dalits, indigenous nationalities, Madhesi, Tharu, Muslims, persons with disabilities, backward regions, gender minorities, and even indigent Khas Arya.

Such special provisions, enshrined in the Article 18 (3) reappear in the rights of women (Art. 38), children (Art. 39), Dalits (Art. 40), senior citizens (Art. 41), the Right to Social Justice (Art. 42), and the Right to Social Security (Art. 43), proportional representation in the parliament, and allocation of spots for a woman and a Dalit woman in the Wards of Local Bodies.

Article 18 also eliminates gender discrimination stating:

(4) No discrimination shall be made on the ground of gender with regard to remuneration and social security for the same work.

(5) All offspring shall have the equal right to the ancestral property without discrimination on the ground of gender.

These provisions on paper form a robust framework for equality. But the deeper question remains: Are they honoured in practice, or are they simply constitutional aspirations still out of reach for many Nepalis?

2. Is Equality Only on Paper?

Despite the lofty promises of Article 18, Nepal continues to grapple with structural inequalities that prevent its citizens from enjoying real equality before the law. These constitutional guarantees are often undercut by the lived reality of systemic bias, social discrimination, and uneven access to justice.

2.1 Legal Protections, Selective Justice

The Constitution also upholds the Right to Justice under Article 20, which guarantees:

“Every person shall have the right to a fair trial by an independent, impartial and competent court…”

Yet, elites accused of corruption or abuse of power often receive lenient treatment—or see cases against them delayed indefinitely or dismissed. Meanwhile, ordinary citizens endure prolonged trials and harsher punishments even for minor violation or dissent.

This selective application of justice creates a double standard: one law, two treatments.

2.2 Discrimination and Unequal Access

Even though Article 24 criminalizes caste-based discrimination and Article 18 bars prejudice based on identity or economic status, violations are still widespread.

Recent Findings

According to the Economic Survey 2081-82:

Dalits and disadvantaged communities continue to lag in education, employment, and political representation.
While human development indicators have improved overall (reaching 0.622), inequality persists across provinces. For instance:
- Gandaki leads in economic growth (5.51%), while Sudurpashchim remains lowest (3.32%).
- Local budgets and access to services are unevenly distributed, with underfunding common in backward and remote areas.

These disparities mean that geographic location and birth identity still largely determine one’s opportunities—a clear breach of Article 18(3).

2.3 Gender and Economic Inequality

Article 18(4) and (5) aim to eradicate gender-based inequality in pay and inheritance. Yet:

Women and gender minorities remain underrepresented in decision-making roles.
A wage gap persists in many sectors.
Marginalized groups have limited access to land ownership, formal banking, and education—despite state-backed affirmative policies.

2.4 Public Perception and Trust Deficit

The 16th Plan of Nepal underscores “inclusive development,” but does not shy away from admitting that trust in public institutions has eroded due to inequality, corruption, and lack of responsiveness.

When citizens do not feel protected by the law or adequately represented in governance, the very legitimacy of the constitutional state is called into question.

3. Why Inequality Persists Despite the Constitution

Nepal’s Constitution boldly enshrines the ideals of equality (Article 18) and justice (Article 20), but these promises often fail to materialize in the lived experiences of many citizens. Why? The persistence of inequality in Nepal can be traced to a combination of historical exclusion, weak institutions, and socio-political inertia.

3.1 Historical and Cultural Legacy

Nepal’s social fabric has long been shaped by entrenched hierarchies—most notably caste, ethnicity, and patriarchy. Though untouchability is criminalized under Article 24, many Dalits and Janajatis still face discrimination in daily life, from public spaces to religious institutions. The state itself historically favoured the Khas-Arya male elite, creating structural inequality in education, employment, and political access.

3.2 Weak Implementation of Progressive Laws

Nepal has one of the most progressive constitutions in South Asia, yet implementation lags behind:

Police and local authorities often fail to register complaints of discrimination or violence, especially when victims belong to marginalized groups.
Judiciary remains under-resourced and male-dominated, with only 3% women in judicial positions (Economic Survey 2081-82).
Many local governments still lack capacity or willingness to enforce inclusion measures.

3.3 Skewed Economic Structure

Economic power remains concentrated among dominant groups:

Dalits, Muslims, and gender minorities are overrepresented in informal, low-paying, and insecure work.
Access to land, credit, and formal employment remains heavily skewed.
While poverty rates have declined nationally, multidimensional poverty remains high in Karnali (39.5%) and Madhesh (16^th Plan), reflecting deeply rooted economic exclusion.

3.4 Structural Barriers in Education and Representation

Disparities in school infrastructure, teacher quality, and language of instruction disproportionately affect Dalit, Madhesi, and rural students.
Despite constitutional quotas, marginalized communities remain underrepresented in key decision-making roles, particularly in the bureaucracy and judiciary.
Symbolic representation has often replaced meaningful power-sharing, resulting in tokenism rather than transformation.

3.5 Political Tokenism and Elite Capture

Political parties routinely use identity-based candidates to attract votes, but rarely empower them to challenge entrenched systems.
Inclusion measures are often co-opted by elites of marginalized groups, who benefit personally but fail to advance their communities’ interests.
Affirmative action lacks proper monitoring, data, and enforcement, allowing loopholes and misuse.

3.6 Planning Without Accountability

Even national development plans recognize the gap between vision and reality:

“There is a lack of disaggregated and reliable data for effective targeting,”
— 16^th Plan, Government of Nepal

This means policies are often misdirected or fail to reach those who need them most. Coordination between federal, provincial, and local governments also remains weak, limiting impact on ground.

4. The Unfinished Revolution

Today, on the Day of the Elimination of Caste Discrimination and Untouchability, Nepal must reflect honestly. The war may be over, but the revolution is unfinished. If the state cannot deliver on its promise of equality and justice, the credibility of the entire constitutional framework risks being hollowed out.

Equality before the law should not depend on wealth, power, or identity. It must be lived reality—not just constitutional poetry.

5. A Call for Constitutional Realization

The gap between constitutional ideals and social reality is stark. When equality before law becomes a privilege rather than a right, and justice is contingent upon status, the foundation of democracy is eroded. Upholding Articles 18 and 20 requires not only legal reforms but structural change, public accountability, and genuine political will.

Nepal must move beyond symbolic guarantees to substantive equality and justice—only then can it truly call itself a republic of the people.

Controversies Surrounding Citizenship in Nepal

By Sandeept

On May 21, 2025

In Constitution Study, Blogging, Nepal, Nepali

Constitution Study #4: Citizenship laws v/s identity

Nepal has a history of intense discussions regarding citizenship that extend beyond legal matters. Controversies around citizenship in Nepal arise from nationalism, identity, political authority, and state governance. Despite significant discord among political factions, civil society, and the general populace, the debates over citizenship persisted even after the adoption of the Constitution of Nepal in 2015. For some, citizenship represents state sovereignty and demographic stability, while for others, it is fundamentally linked to inclusion and dignity.

In this article, we’ll discuss…

1. Constitutional Provisions and the Core Tension

Part 2 of the Constitution of Nepal (Articles 10 to 15) outlines the provisions of citizenship. Article 10 guarantees that:

No Nepali shall be deprived of the right to acquire citizenship.

But it is immediately limited by laws that dictate how and under what conditions citizenship can be granted (Article 11). The Constitution introduces different categories: citizenship by descent, by birth, and by naturalization. The provisions, especially related to descent and naturalization, have generated criticism due to perceived gender discrimination and restrictive language.

For instance, Article 11(2)(b) provides citizenship by descent to children of a Nepali father or mother. Also, Article 11(5) ensures that:

A person who is born in Nepal to a woman who is a citizen of Nepal and has resided in Nepal and whose father is not traced shall be provided with the citizenship of Nepal by descent.

The authority can still scrutinise and deny the mother’s claim for an absentee father can. However, the Article’s condition is even more fatal since it quickly sets a condition a person born to a Nepali mother and a foreign father may acquire naturalized citizenship. This has raised serious concerns about the principle of equality guaranteed under Article 18 of the Constitution, which prohibits discrimination based on gender.

2. Citizenship Amendment Bill: Stalled and Contested

In recent years, the proposed amendments to the Citizenship Act further fuelled controversy. Between 2018 and 2022, several versions of the Citizenship Amendment Bill were introduced and ultimately passed by the Parliament in July 2022. However, President Bidya Devi Bhandari rejected it.

President Bhandari’s decision was praised by some as protective of national sovereignty, while others condemned it as overstepping her ceremonial role. The drama and controversies around Citizenship Amendment Bill continued further when Bhandari’s successor Ram Chandra Poudel authenticated the dormant bill. The opposition again criticised the President’s move, for it was unconstitutional.

3. Sociopolitical Dimensions: Inclusion vs. Protectionism

Citizenship laws in Nepal are deeply intertwined with identity politics. Madhesi communities, in particular, have long faced difficulties in acquiring citizenship, often being viewed with suspicion due to their geographic and cultural proximity to India. Women, too, have faced systemic discrimination through the paternal bias in citizenship laws.

At the heart of the debate lies the fear of demographic change and political manipulation. Opponents of liberal citizenship policies argue that leniency could lead to mass naturalization of people from across the border, altering Nepal’s demographic and political balance. Proponents argue that citizenship should be inclusive, recognizing Nepal’s diversity and ensuring fundamental rights for all.

Then there are controversies around the Non-Residential Nepali (NRN) citizenship. Article 14 of the Constitution paves way to provide citizenship to NRNs living outside the SAARC nations. However, despite frequent lobbying, the NRNs only have “economic, social and cultural rights”. This means they can’t vote or have any political say. Lobbyists for NRN citizenship claim that allowing them political rights will make Nepal more inclusive.

4. Judicial Interpretations and International Norms

Nepali courts have offered mixed responses on citizenship cases. In some cases, the Supreme Court emphasized the need for equal citizenship rights for men and women in line with Article 18 and Nepal’s international obligations.

However, other decisions have deferred to the government’s interpretation of laws based on “sovereignty” and “national security” clauses in the Constitution (Article 289).

Internationally, Nepal’s citizenship laws have faced scrutiny for breaching obligations under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), particularly on the rights of women and children. The emphasis on patrilineal lineage, increasingly seen as outdated and contrary to global human rights standards, still lingers.

5. What Lies Ahead?

Nepal’s citizenship debate is far from resolved. As political coalitions shift and constitutional interpretations evolve, the core tension of balancing national security and demographic concerns with individual rights and inclusion remains.

The path forward requires:

Amending discriminatory provisions in both the Constitution and citizenship laws.
Clear and gender-just procedures for granting citizenship.
A broader national dialogue that prioritizes human dignity alongside state integrity.

According to the Economic Survey 2080/81 (MoF), as of 2080 BS, only 63.4% of eligible Nepali citizens had received their National Identity Number. Similarly, 74% of children under five had been registered at birth. These figures suggest significant gaps in legal identity documentation, which affects citizenship recognition and access to public services.

The Sixteenth Plan (2024/25–2028/29) explicitly targets increasing national ID coverage to 90% and universal birth registration by 2028/29, recognizing the role of identity documents in governance and social justice (Sixteenth Plan, Chapter 1.6.1).

In the end, the question is not only “Who belongs to Nepal?” but also “What kind of Nepal do we envision?” One that is secure and exclusive, or one that is just and inclusive. We need to solve the controversies around citizenship to ensure the most basic of dignified living in Nepal.

हिजोआज

By Sandeept

On September 4, 2023

In Musings, Blogging, Humans and Humanity, Life, नेपाली

हिजोआज केहीले उत्साहित बनाउँदैन । पढाई, काम, “गहन बहस”, सामान्य छलफल, सामाजिक सञ्जालमा हुने तर्क बितर्क सबै बेतुकका लाग्छन् । आदर्शका कुरा ढोङ्ग जस्ता लाग्छन् अनि सहयोग र सान्त्वना, फगत स्वार्थ पूरा गर्ने माध्यम ।
आजकल बोझ लाग्छ हर कुरा । कार्यालय, घर, नाता, सम्बन्ध, मित्रता, शिक्षा, शिक्षालय सबैले औपचारिकतामा बाँधेझैँ लाग्छ । ज्ञानको कुनै मतलब छैन, क्षमताको कुनै अर्थ छैन जबसम्म औपचारिकता पूरा हुँदैन । तर आफूभन्दा शक्तिशाली कसैको अघिपछि लाग्नुस्, औपचारिकता कै लागि बनेका नियम कानूनको पनि केही लाग्दैन ।

हिजोआज लेख्न पनि मन लाग्दैन । यो किन लेख्दैछु थाहा छैन । मनको बोझ हलुका होस् भनेर नै होला तर यहाँ पनि मिलाएर लेख्नुपर्ने बाध्यता छ । मनमा शब्दहरू खेलाउनु अनि एकएक अक्षर मिलाउँदै टाइप गर्नु पनि बोझिलो बन्दैछ । तथापि मनका कुरा अक्षरमा पोख्न बाहेक अरू उपाय देख्दिनँ ।

हुन त लेखेर केही हुने पनि हैन । कुनै बेला हरेक इस्यूमा लेख्न मन लाग्थ्यो । केही गलत भएको भए कसरी ठीक गर्न सकिन्छ भनेर सुझाव दिन मन लाग्थ्यो । अहिले आफ्नै विवेक बन्द गरेर हिँड्नु परेको छ । जहाँ पाइलै पिच्छे बेइमानी चल्छ, त्यहाँ इमानको अर्थ के ? जहाँ दोग्लापन पुगिन्छ, त्यहाँ सत्यको अस्तित्व के ?

यहाँको पागलपनको गुरुत्वाकर्षणले तान्दै तान्दै मलाई पनि पागल पो बनाउने हो कि ? अलि बढी नै निराशावादी भइयो कि ? तर यो समाज, देश र पूरै मानव सभ्यताको उँधो गति मात्रै देख्ने म मात्रै त नहूँला नि है ?

सोनाम वाङ्चुकको अन्तर्वार्ताले सिकाएका केही कुरा

By Sandeept

On April 6, 2021

In Humans and Humanity, Humanity, Inspirational, Nepali, Public Interest, Science And Society

१. ज्ञान र शिक्षा फरक कुरा हुन् ।
२. गलत शिक्षा हुनुभन्दा नभएकै वेश ।
३. शिक्षाको उद्देश्य सिक्ने या बुझ्ने हुनुपर्छ । त्यसो नभएसम्म शिक्षा र शिक्षा प्रणाली गलत हुन्छन् ।
४. उत्सुकता र प्रकृतिसँगको निकटताले मानिसलाई ज्ञानी बनाउँछ भलै उसले औपचारिक शिक्षा नपाएको होस् ।
५. दक्षिण एसियामा मातृभाषामा ज्ञान पाउन धेरै नै गाह्रो छ । मातृभाषाबाट हुने सिकाइले बालबालिकालाई उत्सुक बनाउन सिकाउँछ र उनीहरूको आत्मविश्वासमा समेत मद्दत गर्छ । मातृभाषामा राम्रो पकड छ भने अरू भाषा सिक्न पनि सजिलो हुन्छ ।
६. भूगोल र माटो अनुसारको शिक्षा उपयोगी हुन्छ । युरोपेलीको नक्कल गरेर अघि बढ्न सकिन्न ।
७. सरकारमा रहेका/प्रभावशाली व्यक्तिका सन्तानहरू सार्वजनिक शिक्षा प्रणालीमा नभएसम्म सार्वजनिक शिक्षामा केही परिवर्तन आउँदैन ।
८. प्रकृतिमा प्रकृतिसँग सिकेका कुराहरू वास्तविक ज्ञान हुन् तर त्यसतो मौलिक ज्ञानको साटो हाम्रा शैक्षिक संस्थाहरू युरोप र अमेरिकाका कोर्सहरू कपी-पेस्ट गरिरहेका छौँ । यसले हामीलाई पछि पार्छ ।
९. शिक्षाका तीन माध्यम हुन्छन्: (१) श्रुतियुक्त (सुनेका र पढेका कुरालाई महत्त्व दिने), (२) चेतनायुक्त (सुनेका/पढेका कुरालाई मनन गर्ने र तीमाथि तर्क गर्ने) र (३) भावयुक्त (अनुभव लिँदै सिक्ने) । हाम्रो शिक्षा प्रणालीमा अनुभव लिँदै सिक्ने कुराको अभाव छ ।

सोनाम वाङ्चुकको अन्तर्वार्ता

UN Day: What We Expect from the UN

By Sandeept

On October 24, 2016

In Blogging, Humans and Humanity, Politics, Writing

We don’t want the United Nations’ Organization (abbreviated UN or UNO) to become another League of Nations. We don’t want it to fail in it’s objectives. Because we know, without the UN, the world is certainly going to face a nuclear war.

The UN was established on October 24, 1945. As the world celebrates the establishment of this world organization, I present my views on the UN based on my recent observations. First, my comment on my friend Roshan Bhandari’s post on Write, Share and Discuss:

The UN had big challenges when it was established. Its charter promises a war-free world. But wars have not come to an end. The UN failed to stop the Kuwait-Iraq war, the American attacks on Vietnam, Afghanistan and Iraq. The Israel-Palestine conflict never seems to resolve under the UN. The underdeveloped countries are still suffering. The organizations under the UN such as FAO, UNDP are affected by corruption. You heard the case of rotten cereals and pulses distributed in the remote areas of Nepal and also during the earthquake last year, didn’t you?

The UN looks like a puppet organization to me. Well, it’s almost true that the veto-nations rule it. Especially, the US, Russia and China. If avoiding conflict with Syria didn’t serve Russia a purpose, the nation would have been churned and the UN would not have said anything. The Americans and Europeans have already marched to fight “Islam” in the name of fighting the terrorism, though, and the UN cannot overrule it. The UN is in a state of coma. It does not seem to come out of it anytime sooner.

Criticisms of the UN

I had not thought about my views until last month. I wanted to know if other people also thought that the UN has problems. I googled “Has the UN failed?” and discovered several articles on the internet that represent my thoughts above. There is a Wikipedia article on the criticisms of the UN, infographics that show the failures the organization has met and several other articles related to its problems.

I don’t understand most of the things the Wikipedia article says but I think the biggest problems in the effectiveness of the UN are the five permanent member nations of the Security Council. These five nations- the USA, the UK, France, Russia and China have veto power by the use of which they can force the SC to make certain decisions. Veto must have been suggested as a way to stop wars but it is not effective. The USA and the USSR (now Russia) have used the power indiscriminately to overrule policies that are against their interests. No permanent nation, like I’ve said above, is going to use veto or stop war if they don’t have their own interests. The USA, the UK and France are also the members of NATO. As the UN cannot stop military activities of the NATO, these nations can participate in war through the latter thus making the decisions of the former useless.

Another problem with the permanent members is that they are top fives among the major arms exporting countries. There is no use of arms in the absence of war. If these arms exporting nations have continued to supply arms and gaining profit, it means wars are continuously going on around the world. The UN seems to check these wars. An even more frightening scenario is the one in which the arms producing and exporting countries are backing up wars in various parts of the globe. If wars help them improve their economy, why wouldn’t they do so?

The another big problem is bureaucracy. Anthony Banbury says in an article on the New York Times:

The world faces a range of terrifying crises, from the threat of climate change to terrorist breeding grounds in places like Syria, Iraq and Somalia. The United Nations is uniquely placed to meet these challenges, and it is doing invaluable work, like protecting civilians and delivering humanitarian aid in South Sudan and elsewhere. But in terms of its overall mission, thanks to colossal mismanagement, the United Nations is failing.

The article says that the UN bureaucracy is slow. As a result, immediate response to a particular situation is difficult. Banbury also criticizes the role of peace-keeping forces in countries like, Haiti, Sudan and Mali. Peace-keeping forces have not been able to bring peace in these countries. If they have, it’s been temporary. And in some countries such as Haiti, where there is not much need for the peace force, they are still there.

Nepal and the UN

In Nepal, the UN and its different agencies have been working in providing basic needs of food, shelter, health services, and in activities related to human rights. United Nations’ Mission In Nepal (UNMIN) helped in the peace-process of Nepal. The WHO, UNFPA and UNICEF have helped in health sector, the WFP is working to provide food in the rural areas, the UNDP on development works, and so on.

Last year, the WFP got into a controversy*. Most Nepalese media and parliamentarians criticized the distribution of rotten food products in the earthquake affected areas. Such claims had also been heard earlier. We don’t know if the WFP is actually providing anything bad, but if such things come up regularly, we’ll be inclined to think that something is wrong. It also questions the effectiveness of the UN agencies.

What we Want

We want the UN to work democratically, and don’t want some nations decide the future of the world. We want the members, especially the permanent members of the Security Council UN to support peace and humanity, not wars. We want all the nations to work together selflessly. We want the developed nations to invest in uplifting the economic status of the poverty-stricken people over the globe, not just on nuclear weapon research and space travel. We want the UN to take these initiatives to bring eternal peace and happiness.

* The title of the article in this link might be misleading.

Great Power, Greater Responsibilities

By Sandeept

On November 5, 2015

In Blogging, Review

“I am not so sure. I had proven, as a very young man, that power was my weakness and my temptation. It is a curious thing, Harry, but perhaps those who are best suited to power are those who have never sought it. Those who, like you, have leadership thrust upon them, and take up the mantle because they must, and find to their own surprise that they wear it well.” (Albus Dumbledore in Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows by JK Rowling)

I had never thought of Harry Potter series as the one which consists of a sense of revolution at the core. When I had read it two years ago, I had forgotten to notice this and the last chapters of the last book had been lame to me. Now when I read it two years later, I see that Lord Voldemort was neither as powerful nor as clever as that mentioned in the earlier books of the series.

The series contains in its core the struggle for power. Where on this world there is no struggle for power? There are people, who to invoke fear among others, destroy the lives of thousands. They are feared all over and they overpower those who live. Such tyrants never get any respect. And among those who hate them, comes out a leader, who encourages the others to fight.

Harry Potter is one such leader, whose destiny had been changed by the murder of his parents. Voldemort- a tyrant and a fool, who had always seen people begging to him for their lives and kills everyone on his way for the fun of it, was affected by the willingness of Harry’s parents to die instead of their child. The boy unknowingly gets pulled into the struggle since.

The above quote is an important to understand the core of the series. It also carries the question of morality. How many humans have understood that having power might make them corrupt – that they are not worth it? Very few people had understood that. Mahatma Gandhi, for instance and in our case, Ganesh Maan Singh were able to understand the corrupting nature of the power they had to hold. We always think that they could have done better as the heads of each of their countries, but they understood somehow that they were not worth the power they would have. They believed that good leaders are those to whom leadership is thrusted, not those who go and seek for it.

Albus Dumbledore, once he realized that he would not do well with power, confined himself, helping the revolution against the power-seekers – Grindelwald and Voldemort. The above quote also reminds me of another character in the series, who evolves on his own into a leader- Neville Longbottom. He could have suffered the same fate as Harry, and could have been the hero in the story or would not have existed at all. By the end of the series, he gets the recognition as a leader of revolution against Voldemort. Not only that, he becomes worth of the Gryffindor’s sword- previously used by Harry and Ron Weasley – and destroys Nagini- the last horcrux.

The search for an able, worthy leader goes on in the real world, though. And one in a million, we can find such a leader. One who has the power over all, with a lot of respect and also with sense of responsibility towards all is the leader we want for the world. Even more for our Nepal. We need the one who understands these words quoted by Ben Parker to his nephew, Peter (Spiderman):

With great powers, come great responsibilities.

200 Years Of Friendship!

By Sandeept

On October 14, 2015

In Blogging, History

It began with a war.

A conflict of more than fifty years ensured that the war was inevitable.

One of them had dominated more than half of the world. Their Empire was the one on which the sun never set. They wanted to annex all states within the Indian sub-continent. There was one nation left to defeat.

That Nation had just arisen from bits and pieces in the Himalayas. Some Kings and Lords of the petty states had not been satisfied with the unification. They wanted their shares. They sought help of the Empire to get back their states.

That was a golden opportunity for the Empire. They had discovered weak spots of the Himalayan Nation. They sought out ways to defeat them.

It was not easy, however. The new Mukhtiyar (equivalent to modern day Prime Minister) was a patriot. He would not let the Empire seize his nation. He brought about changes in the military. It enraged the Empire.

The Empire had to make a move soon. They gathered their own army and sent a letter to the Himalayan Nation with some terms. They had to respond it in time, else they had to fight with them.

The Monarch of the Himalayan Nation decided not to respond to that letter. The war began. From east, south and west, the army of the Empire marched. They had dreamed of victory over the majestic Himalayas.

The army of the Himalayan Nation, blessed by the ever tall and proud Himalayas fought bravely with the Empire’s army. Of the five major wars, the Empire won three. The two defeats were heavy. Even the ones they won were not as convincing to them. The soldiers of the Himalayan Nation had fought with all their potential.

Sugauli Treaty (Source: Wikipedia)

The Empire had to change their strategy of dominating the Himalayan Nation. They did an agreement – the Sugauli Treaty in the year 1816. The Himalayan Nation lost almost half of their territory but they stood up as the biggest independent nation in the Indian sub-continent.

The treaty brought about a diplomatic between the Empire and the Himalayan Nation. It was based on the dominance of the Empire, with the then Rana Prime Ministers improving the status of the relation. The friendship agreement of 1923 declared the Himalayan Nation as an independent nation.

The Empire was helped by the Himalayan Nation during the World War II. They had sent their best soldiers into the war. These soldiers were feared wherever they fought. They were the mighty Gurkhas.

The Empire fell. Revolutions around the world after the Great War brought about its downfall. The Empire lost a huge territory. Ranas of the Himalayan Nation fell. The friendship remained. It continues to exist, almost 200 years now. Long live the friendship!

Notes:

Inspired by presentation of Hamlet in Nepali on the occasion of the 200 years of co-operation between Nepal and Britain.
In the year 1768 (1825 B.S.), Prithvi Narayan Shah had declared the annexation of Kantipur into Gorkha. That was the formal beginning of Mordern Nepal.
The then East Company of the British Empire had waged a war against Nepal. During the treaty of 1816, Rana Bahadur Shah was the King and Bhimsen Thapa was the Prime Minister of Nepal.
During 1923, Chandra Shamsher was the Prime Minister of Nepal. Since then, Gurkhas have been a part of the British Army.
The relation between Nepal and Britain has been well described by Mr Andy Sparkes in this speech: https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/two-hundred-years-of-nepal-britain-relations-a-way-forward

Nepal Earthquake: The Geologists’ Role

By Sandeept

On July 22, 2015

In Geology, Science And Society

Saturday, (~~April 25, 2015)~~ Baishakh 12, 2072 B.S.

A date that will be remember forever by the people of Nepal. On this darkest Saturday, at 11:56 a.m., an earthquake of 7.6 local magnitude struck Barpak of Gorkha. The shocks were felt as far as Kanya Kumari, India in the south, Bangladesh in the east and Pakistan in the west. The earthquake affected districts mostly in the Hilly Region. About 10,000 people died. The destruction of properties and cultural heritages was huge but compared to what was previously imagined, Kathmandu was not affected much. Within a month, the capital city regained its economic activities.

Geologists had been warning of such a disaster for long. Unfortunately, the government did not give utmost importance to the matter, nor did the people think much about it. The earthquake of 1990 in Udaypur had affected the eastern region and the people there remembered the loss of lives and properties it had brought. The earthquake of Taplejung four years ago had shaken Kathmandu Valley as well, but neither the government nor the people had been careful in designing and constructing earthquake-resistant structures. A few Geologists saying from the background that there could be much bigger loss of lives and properties were unheard of. It was also a weakness in their part. I would never have known this had I not been a Geology student myself and by the time I knew, it had already been late. The disaster had already struck.

One month since the major shock, the Seismologists, who have branched off from mainstream Geologists, gave information to the public on earthquake like never before. People immediately caught up words like ‘plates’, ‘tectonics’, ‘faults’ and many other geological terms. It made me happy and sad at the same time. Happy in the sense had basic geology had become household terms (plates, for example) and sad in the sense that it did not happen prior to the earthquake. But, as i discovered later, the people gave credit to the newspapers and magazines as the source of this information. The Geologists of Nepal had failed again. They had been too late.

A problem I see with scientific researches worldwide is that they are complex and totally illogical to the common people. Scientific terms come up here and there, which off course cannot be ignored, but can be made simple through adequate explanations. Journals have always been vague and common people just ignore them. I think they should be able to understand them, interpret and use in their daily lives. Why not publish scientific works that include public interests in two bases- one for the academicians and the other for public? If such a system had existed, I believe that science could be much useful to people. I think the Geologists of Nepal would have got the credit they deserved.

As explorers of a mountainous country, Nepalese Geologists have a lot many works to do on floods, landslides, avalanches, glaciers and so on. And there are people who still ask, “What’s the scope?” I have nothing to say to them, literally!